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COPYRIGHT 1918 BY 

INDEPENDENT CORPORATION 



FEB 19 1918 
)CI.A481737 



"WO ( 



DEDICATED TO THE MEMORY OF 
WILLIAM BAILEY HOWLAND 



The Great Wae Year by Tear 
The First Year 

By Willis Fletcher Johnson 
The Second Year 

By Edwin E. Slosson 
The Third Year 

By Preston Slosson 
In the Fourth Year 

The War in the Air 

The Destruction of a Zeppelin 

Shell-scarred Verdun 

The Skeleton of a City 

Fighting in the Dark 

A Four-Act Thriller 

Thru Bursting Shrapnel 

The Airship in the Role of Hawk 

Death Astern 

The Eagle's Wings 

The Lafayette Escadrille 

A Hydroplane Coming in 

The Eyes of the Army 

"H. M. S. Sausage" 

What a Man Must Do to Fly 

War in the Third Dimension 

The Caproni Triplane 

Above the Battle 

We Must Win the War with Wings 
By Donald Wilhelm 

The Aerial Coast Patrol 

By John Hays Hammond, Jr. 

The Fight on the Sea 

A Blast from the "Michigan" 

Somewhere Off the Coast of France 

Jack 

Good Gunning 

The Eyes of the Navy 

The Mosquito Fleet 

Submarine Chasers 

Our Deep-tongued Guns 

The French Answer to Submarines 

Sea-wasps 

The Harbor Mines 

Turkish Transports on the Tigris 

Sighting a Torpedo Tube 

The "Deutschland" 

Plattsburg at Sea 

The Battleship "New York" 

The Amateur Sea-dogs 

Queenstown, May 16, 1917 

When the Blue Devil Finds Its 

Mark 
Aboard the "Arizona" 
The Navy under Uncle Sam 
Repairing a Ship's Propeller 
The Sinking of a Transport 
Our Largest Submarines 
Shore Leave 
All Hands at Work 
Bucking the Sea 
"It's Always Fair Weather — " 

Sailing Past Submarines 
By Harold Howland 

The Men in the Trenches 

A Bomb Fight in Four Rounds 

While the Gargoyle Watches 

Ready ! Go ! 

Enter the Tank 

Across No Man's Land 

Will They Hammer Out a Victory? 

Sandbags for Defense 

At Bay 

Men of Note 

The Pneumatic Bomb-thrower 

Good-bye Broadway ! Hello France ! 



CONTENTS 

France's Greatest Aviator 

Chaplain of the Amazons 

The Father of British Tanks 

Burrowing to Berlin 

The Men Who Tired of Fighting 

Dogs of War 

Tommies in Training 

Action — and Rest 

Why Wear Helmets? 

The Unwieldy Willie 

"The Devil's Own" 

As the Allies Go Forward 

A Lion of Flanders 

In a Deserted Dugout 

The Curtain of Fire 

In the Wake of the German Army 

Victory in the Making 

Waiting for a Chance at Action 

A Bitter Pill for the Kaiser 

'61 and '17 

The Bombardment of Rheims 

The War of Hide and Seek 

Making Friends Along the Way 

Sammy in the Trenches 

The War in the Snows 

Follow the Flag 

By Theodore Marburg 

First Aid to the Allies 
By Heber Blankenhorn 

The First Troops Overseas 
By Donald Wilhelm 

The United States Answers the 
Call 

The Keynote 

The Biggest Parade Since '65 

The Army Y. M. C. A. 

When the Soldiers Aren't Drilling 

The Colleges Lead the Way 

The Day's Work at Plattsburg 

The Boys Are Marching 

What a Boy Scout Can Do 

The Spirit of '17 

Sewing Shirts for Soldiers 

A Patriot Proved 

Woman's Place 

At Vassar College 

"We Must Build Ships" 

The Poilu's Hail to Sammy 

Feeding a Million Men 

The First Drafted Troops 

The Sammies in London 

The "Fighting Seventh" 

Over There 

West Point, the Keystone 

The First Ten Thousand 
By Herbert Reed 

Cartoon Comment 
The Phoenix 
Hold the Fort! 
The Call 

Ready, Uncle Sam ! 
Our Souls' Desire 
The Shadow 

Another Innocent Slaughtered 
"Well, William?" 
"Onward with God" 
They that Take the Sword 
Pipe Dreams 
"Two More, Sire" 
Die Nacht 
The Postscript 
The Deluge 
Revolutionary Russia 
Peace Proposals 
Straws 



As We Go to War 

The Adventures of Brother Bruin 

Air Raids and Reprisals 

Is There a Food Card in Your 

Home? 
Three Square Meals a Day? 
Come Across ! 

Winning Our First Great Drive 
Germany After Three Years of It 
Closing in on Hohenzollern 
An Embargo that Beats the Dutch 
Hints to Householders 

Courage, Mon Vieux 
By Henry G. Dodge 

Battle Poems 

By Wilfrid Wilson Gibson 

Paris with a Difference 
By Harold Howland 

War — By the Way 
The Only Son Left 
Telling Father's Comrade All About 

It 
Trench Sketches 
War — with a Difference 
This Time the Zeppelins Passed 
The Greek Dilemma 
Situations Wanted 
A Republic in the Making 
Keep on Digging 
The Harrowing Details 
The War in New York 
Signs of the Times 
A Military Hospital in New York 
Camouflage 

The Battalion of Death 
In Germany's Prison Camps 
A Corkscrew Expedition 

Wartime Leaders 

Premier Lloyd George 

General Pershing 

Field Marshal Joffre 

Alexander Kerensky 

General Cadorna 

Herbert Hoover 

President Wilson and His Cabinet 

Colonel House 

Theodore Roosevelt 

Henry P. Davison 

General Hindenburg and General 

Ludendorff 
The Aggressor 

The Kings Must Go 

Whom the Gods Would Destroy 

Daimons 

And There Shall Be No More 

Kings 
Kings 

By G. Bernard Shaw 
The Doom of the Dynasties 
Perhaps 

At War with Germany 

President Wilson's Address to the 
Congress on April 2, 1917 

After War — What? 
War as an Industry 
As the World Lives On 

By H. G. Wells 
The Last Great War 

By William Howard Taft 
The League to Enforce Peace 

By Hamilton Holt 




BY WAY OF 

INTRODUCTION 




THIS book is a news record of the Great War, 
since "ancient history closed at midnight of 
July 31, 1914." It consists of pictures, poetry 
and prose, made and written for The Inde- 
pendent during this period. Perhaps its most striking 
claim to distinction is its difference from the con- 
ventional history we studied in school. The history 
in this book was written at the time of the event 
and its pictures were made on the spot — photo- 
graphs of the events themselves. So in this book one 
follows the vivid drama of the war just as The Inde- 
pendent has followed it week by week. 

In the days of peace — now so strangely remote — 
when the magazines of entertainment flooded the 
land with their garish girl covers and their plethora 
of fiction and when the sensational dailies main- 
tained their vast circulations by featuring "sport" 
for the men and "love" for the women, The Inde- 
pendent pursued the path it had set for itself, proud 
in the conviction that it was exerting a vital influ- 
ence on the thought and action of the times and 
leaving to its rivals the cultivation of romance 
rather than reality. 

But the Great War has changed the situation. 
Now truth is stranger than fiction. Now the simple 
narration of war's valor and sacrifice grips the mind 
and heart as no imaginary tale of adventure can 
possibly do. If war is the greatest of all games, as 
Ruskin has said, because the stake is death, who 
would now prefer to read an article on the strategy 
of the Yale-Harvard football game, when the cor- 
respondents are telling us of Pershing's prepara- 
tions to match his might with Hindenburg? And 
who cares to dally with the cooing of Phyllis and 
Adonis when the little tear-stained war brides are 
bidding their khaki-clad husbands good-by? 

As nowadays the old files of The Independent and 
Harper's Weekly are recognized everywhere as con- 
taining' the best interpretation of the times that 
tried men's souls from '61 to '65, so today these two 
magazines, now united in one, are doing again a 
similar public service, not only for this generation, 
but for those to come. 

The present book, assembled and edited by my dis- 
criminating and efficient colleague, Miss Hannah 
White, is an attempt to preserve in permanent and 
convenient form the moving- picture of the Great 
War from its beginning to January 1, 1918. It opens 
with a brief history of the war. The successes and 
failures of each year are separately summarized. A 
day-to-day chronology is also added which should 
prove of unique value for historical reference. It 



concludes with a brief section of editorial comment 
entitled "The Kings Must Go," a prophecy by H. G. 
Wells on "Reconstruction After the War," an article 
by William H. Taft on "The Last Great War," and 
my editorial "The League to Enforce Peace." I 
would especially call attention to the editorial 
"Whom the Gods Would Destroy" written by Pro- 
fessor Franklin H. Giddings and published as the 
leader in the first issue of The Independent after 
the declaration of war. In my opinion, this is the 
greatest editorial, all things considered, that has 
appeared in The Independent during the twenty- 
four years that I have been connected with the mag- 
azine. Perhaps I may be pardoned for adding that 
my editorial was one of the primary factors in the 
establishment of the League to Enforce Peace, whose 
program, first given to the world at Independence 
Hall, Philadelphia, June 17, 1915, has now been ac- 
cepted by most of the responsible statesmen of the 
world as the cornerstone of the war's aims. 

Since the issues of Harper's Weekly during the 
Civil War are most highly prized for their illustra- 
tions we have made the main portion of this book 
chiefly pictorial. There is a section on "The War in 
the Air," "The Fight at Sea," "The Men in the 
Trenches," "Come Across — The United States An- 
swers the Call," "War — By the Way," "War Time 
Leaders," and a particularly good collection of orig- 
inal and reproduced cartoons. Scattered among these 
are a few special war articles: "Follow the Flag" 
by Theodore Marburg, "The First Ten Thousand" 
by Herbert Reed, "Sailing- Past Submarines" by Har- 
old Howland, "Courage, Mon, Vieux" by Henry G. 
Dodge, "The Aerial Coast Patrol" by John Hays 
Hammond, Jr., and others. I would especially call 
the reader's attention to the touching episode of 
French heroism in the true incident narrated by 
Mr. Dodge in "Courage, Mon Vieux." Shall we, too, 
see such scenes in the coming months in our beloved 
United States? 

But this Holy War is not yet won. It is plain, 
therefore, that we must follow this volume with an- 
other. This we hope and expect to do. But let us pray- 
that the third volume may deal with the happier 
days of the coming reconstruction, when the stricken 
but rejoicing people will be busied rearing their new 
civilization on the ashes of the old, and when, as 
Victor Hugo prophesied, "the only battlefield will 
be the market opening to commerce and the mind 
opening to new ideas." 

Hamilton Holt 
Editor of The Independent 




© Paul Thompson 



THE LEADER OF DEMOCRACY 







1£) indrrtrood i Underwood 



ABOVE THE BATTLE 



S7ic/Z /totes and bayonet charge — i/ie battle of Soyecourt, photographed by an air scout. After days of artillery fire the 
French soldiers are leaving their trenches in the foreground to attack, hi the distance is the burning village 



THE FIRST YEAR OF THE WAR 

BY WILLIS FLETCHER JOHNSON 



Ni 



August, 1915 
■EITHER party expected for 
the war the magnitude or 
the duration which it has al- 
ready attained. Each looked 
for an easier triumph." These words of 
Abraham Lincoln, uttered after nearly 
four years of our Civil War, might with 
equal fitness be applied to the Great 
War and its belligerents at the ending 
of its first year. A month of declara- 
tions of war, a year of waging war, in- 
estimable months or years of war yet 
to be waged, and generations of slow 
and incomplete recovery from the re- 
sults of war: Such in epitome is the 
record of the past, present and future 
of the Great War. 

Between July 28 and August 28, 1914, 
no fewer than fourteen individual wars, 
"all parts of one stupendous whole," 
were declared or recognized to exist; 
and half a dozen more at later dates. 
They were: Austria-Hungary against 
Serbia, against Russia, against Japan, 
and against Belgium; Germany against 
Russia, against France, and against 
Belgium; Great Britain against Ger- 
many, and against Austria-Hungary; 
Montenegro against Austria-Hungary, 
and against Germany; Serbia against 
Germany; France against Austria- 
Hungary; and Japan against Germany. 
Later acts of war involved Turkey as 
an ally of Germany and Austria-Hun- 
gary, and Portugal and Italy on the 
side of the Allies. 

The grand plan of campaign was Ger- 
many's. That was to fight her three 
great foes separately and crush them 
in .succession. She was herself ready "to 
the last shoe-button," while not one of 
her adversaries was even measurably 
prepared for war. She therefore aimed 
to strike first at the least unprepared, 
and planned to leave the most unready 
to be dealt with last. Therefore she tore 
up her treaty with Belgium as a "scrap 
of paper" and violated the neutrality 
and integrity of that country in order 
to launch her first tremendous blow at 
France on an undefended frontier. Thus 
she hoped to dictate peace at Paris and 
to eliminate France from the problem 
before Russia, unready and slow-mov- 



T HE WAR BY SEA 



Submarine Exploits 



September .? — British cruisers "Cres- 
sy," "La Sogue," "Aboukir" sunk 
in North Sea by German submarine 
"TJ-9," Captain Otto Weddigen in 
command 

October 10 — Russian cruiser "Pallada" 
sunk in Baltic by German sub- 
marine 

October 16- -British cruiser "Bawke" 
sunk in North Sea by "V-9" 

December l.'f — British submarine 
"B-ll" dove under five lines of 
mines at Dardanelles and sank 
Turkish cruiser "Messoudiyeh" 

January 1 — British battleship "For- 
midable" sunk in English Channel 

January 30 — Three merchantmen sunk 
in Irish Sea by German submarine 

February IS — German war zone 
around British Isles in effect. Ger- 
many threatens to sink all enemy 
merchantmen in this area. 225 ves- 
sels sunk to date 

March 28 — British liner "Falaba" 
sunk in St. George's Channel. One 
American citizen lost 

May 1 — American tanker "Gulfiiyhl" 
sunk off Scilly Islands. Three deaths. 
Germany promises indemnification 

May 7 — British litter "Lusitania" 
sunk west of Queenstown by Ger- 
man submarine. 1152 deaths, includ- 
ing lllf Americans 

May 25 — American merchantman 
"Nebraskan" torpedoed but not 
sunk, off Fastnet, Ireland 

May 25 and 27 — German submarine 
"U-51" sinks "Triumph" and "Ma- 
jestic" at Dardanelles after voyage 
of four thousand miles from Wil- 
helmshaven 

June It — Italian submarine sunk by 
Austrian submarine — first such 
event in history 

July 2 — German battleship "Pom- 
mem" sunk by British submarine at 
Bay of Dantzig. 900 miles from 
British base 

July IS — Italian cruiser "Giuseppe 
Garibaldi" sunk by Austrian sub- 
marine near Ragusa 



ing, could give her serious trouble at 
the east. Next she would transfer her 
vast and victorious armies, rich with 



the spoils of France, to her eastern 
marches, smash Russia, crush Serbia, 
and dictate a second peace at Warsaw. 
Finally, with the Continent subdued, 
she would try conclusions with her 
most hated foe, Great Britain, which 
she regarded as the most unready of 
them all, and indeed as a power which 
could never be formidable on land, but 
would be dealt with on the sea alone. 

One city spoiled that plan. Liege was 
the new Thermopylae. The four days' 
delay of the German advance, in hurl- 
ing first men and then eleven-inch shells 
at Brialmont's domed fortresses, was 
brief, but it served. It gave France time 
to awaken to her needs and Great Brit- 
ain time to respond to the call of her 
ally. The German tide flowed on, bear- 
ing all before it, all thru that month 
of August, headed straight for Paris, 
which the Germans expected to occupy 
by mid-September. The French Govern- 
ment fled to Bordeaux, and Paris, with 
the thunder of German guns heard in 
her streets again after forty-four years, 
grimly awaited siege and storm. The 
German van was within four days' 
march of the city. But the four days 
which would have carried them to its 
walls had been lost at Liege; and now 
a million French and British troops 
were massed along the Marne, under 
orders to die rather than to retreat. 

Another decisive battle of the world, 
and probably the greatest in human 
history, began on September 6 and 
raged for five whole days; and at its 
end the German tide ebbed from its 
high-water mark, never to regain it. 
The French and British prest forward, 
hoping to transform repulse into hope- 
less rout. But they had not calculated 
German thoroness. As if anticipating 
just such operations, the Germans had 
already prepared behind them elaborate 
defensive works upon which they could 
fall back and to these they did fall back 
and there turned at bay. A vast but in- 
decisive battle followed, on the Aisne, 
and then the combatants settled down 
to a grim rivalry in long endurance. 
The battle line which was drawn at the 
west at the end of the first six weeks 
of war has changed but little, merely 




Imernautmal Filn 

The war at sunset — an Anzac sentinel, probably a veteran of Gallipoli, patrolling the outworks on the Somme front 




The war at dawn — bringing in British wounded early in the morning after a day of stiff fighting along the Somme 




international Film 

The war by night — shells from British batteries dropping a curtain in front of captured positions as the "push" began 




The war by night — the eyes of the British battleships off Saloniki keep close watch on the city while it is dark 



THE WAR BY SEA 
Clearing the Sea of Germans 

August IS — - German battle-cruiser 
"Goeben" and cruiser "Breslau" 
sold to Turkey to avoid capture in 
Mediterranean 

Altruist 27 — German auxiliary cruiser 
"Kaiser Wilhelm der Grosse" sunk 
north of Cape Verde Islands by 
British cruiser "Highflyer" 

November 10 — German light cruiser 
"Emden" destroyed at Cocos Island 
in Indian Ocean by Australian 
cruiser "Sydney," after having cap- 
tured twenty-aim merchantmen 

March 10 — German auxiliary cruiser 
"Prims Eitel Fried/rich" put into 
Hampton Roads after sinking eleven 
merchantmen, including the Ameri- 
can ship "William P. Frye." Subse- 
quently interned, Germany consent- 
ed to pay for the "Frye" 

March 15 — German cruiser "Dresden," 
survivor of the Falkland Islands 
fight, bloivn up at Juan Fernandez 
Island to avoid capture 

April 11 — Last commerce raider, auxil- 
iary cruiser "Kronprinz "Wilhelm," 
put into Hampton Roads and teas 
subsequently interned 



vibrating to and fro in distances meas- 
ured by yards rather than miles, thru 
all the weary year. 

The chief changes have been at the 
extreme northwest. Baffled in the di- 
rect rush toward Paris, the German 
armies again and again have striven to 
turn the left flank of the Allies and to 
gain the French shore of the British 
Channel; aiming thus to break the di- 
rectest line of communication between 
France and Great Britain, and to se- 
cure a base from which to attack and 
to invade the latter country. For weeks 
the fiercest fighting of the war was 
near and on the coast at the Franco- 
Belgian boundary. On the ground and 
under the ground, on the sea and under 
the sea, and in the air, it raged re- 
lentlessly; and even the sea itself was 
let in, to swallow the land and to drown 
the combatants. But in the end, as at 
the Marne, the line of last defense held 
good and the German advance was 
checked. 

Meantime another disaster befell the 
German plans at the eastern borders. 
Russia mobilized her armies more slow- 
ly than did France, but she did mobilize 
them and sent them surging across the 
frontiers into both Austria-Hungary 
and Germany. By the end of August, 
when the Germans were pressing toward 
Paris and needed every man and gun 
to make that drive successful, the Rus- 
sians had invaded East Prussia as far 
as Allenstein and Tannenberg, and 
were threatening Konigsberg, Dantzig 
and Posen. Then came disaster, when 
they were routed and driven back with 
appalling losses, while the Germans 



poured into Poland in a drive at War- 
saw. At the south the Russians were 
more successful. They overran Galicia 
and Bukowina, captured Lemberg, 
Przemysl and Czernowitz, threatened 
Cracow, and crost the Carpathians to 
the borders of the great plain of Hun- 
gary. But here, too, were reverses. Lack 
of munitions, which left tens of thou- 
sands of Russians to fight with clubbed 
rifles and sticks and stones, led to dis- 
aster and compelled defeat. Przemysl 
and Lemberg were abandoned and near- 
ly all of Galicia and Bukowina were 
evacuated. Vast and repeated fluctua- 
tions to and fro marked the story of 
the eastern battle line all thru the year. 



THE W A R BY SEA 
Two Mysteries 

October 27 — British superdreadnought 
"Audacious" reported sunk off north 
coast of Ireland. Disaster unex- 
plained and not admitted by British 
Admiralty 

November 26 — British battleship "Bul- 
wark" blown up in Thames. British 
Admiralty gives internal explosion 
as cause 



THE WAR BY SEA 



Naval 



Battles 



August 2S — Off Heligoland, Rear-Ad- 
miral Sir David Beatty with squad- 
ron of British battle-cruisers, light 
cruisers and destroyers sunk three 
German light cruisers and two de- 
stroyers 

Xorember 1—Off Coronel, Chile, Ger- 
man squadron — armored cruisers 
"Scharnhorse," "Gneisenau," third- 
class cruisers "Leipzig," "Dresden," 
"Niirnberg," Admiral Count von 
Spee in command — defeated British 
cruisers "Good Hope," "Glasgow," 
"Monmouth" and transport "Otran- 
to," Admiral Sir Christopher Cra- 
dock in command; sinking "Good 
Hope" and "Monmouth" 

December 8 — Off Falkland Islands. 
British squadron — battle-cruisers 
"Inflexible," "Invincible," battleship 
"Canopus," armored cruisers "Car- 
narvon," "Cornwall," "Kent," sec- 
ond-class cruisers "Glasgow." "Bris- 
tol," Rear-Admiral Sir Frederick 
Sturdee in command — defeated Ad- 
miral von Spee's squadron, sinking 
"Leipzig," "Scharnhorst," "Gneise- 
nau" and "Niirnherg" 

January 24 — In North Sea. British 
squadron — battle-cruisers "Tiger," 
"Lion," "Princess Royal," "New Zea- 
land," "Indomitable," Vice-Admiral 
Sir David Beatty in command — pur- 
sued German raiding squadron — 
battle-cruisers "Derfflingcr," "Seyd- 
litz," "Moltke," "Bliicher," Admiral 
Hibber in command ■ — sinking 
"Bliicher" 



THE WAR BY SEA 
Threatening Constantinople 

February 19-21 — General attack on 
forts at entrance to Dardanelles be- 
gun by fleet of forty warships, Vice- 
Admiral Sackville Hamilton Garden 
in command, including British super- 
dreadnought "Queen Elizabeth" and 
a number of French battleships 

March 5 — Forts near Kilid Bahr 
shelled by "Queen Elizabeth" firing 
across Gallipoli peninsula 

March IS — French battleship "Bou- 
vet," British battleships "Irresist- 
ible," "Ocean" sunk by floating 
mines. British battle-cruiser "In- 
flexible," French battleship "Gau- 
lois" disabled by gunfire. Attack sus- 
pended. Occasional bombardment 
and mine-sweeping in following 
weeks. Ten warships reinforce fleet 

March 2S and intermittently there- 
after — Russian fleet bombards Bos- 
porus forts 

April 25 — Anglo-French fleet renews 
bombardment to cover landing of 
troops on Gallipoli 

May 12 — British battleship "Goliath" 
torpedoed by Turkish destroyer 

May 25 and 27- -British battleships 
"Triumph" and "Majestic" sunk by 
German submarine 

June — Larger warships withdrawn 
from Dardanelles 



At the end of the year the Russians 
have lost nearly all that they gained, 
while the victorious Teutons have over- 
run the bulk of Poland, have put an 
iron ring three-fourths of the way 
around Warsaw, and are sweeping with 
little resistance thru the Baltic Prov- 
inces toward Riga if not toward Petro- 
grad itself. 

Advance on one side means, however, 
inertia if not peril of disaster on the 
other; and Germany thus suffers the 
immense disadvantage of having to fight 
all her foes at once instead of one at a 
time, a circumstance which has trans- 
formed the whole aspect of the war. 
As for the auxiliary campaigns, they 
have been of minor interest. After many 
violent fluctuations of fortune, the Serbs 
and Montenegrins at last expelled the 
Austrian invaders and themselves be- 
came the aggressors in Austro-Hun- 
garian territory. Turkey entered the 
war at Germany's command, but has 
been handicapped by the impossibility 
of getting supplies across the barrier 
of Rumanian and Bulgarian neutrality. 
She has consequently been chiefly on 
the defensive, with her strength steadily 
waning, and with a prospect that the 
Straits will soon be in the hands of the 
Allies and be opened as an avenue for 
Russia's much-needed supplies. Japan 
wrested from Germany the latter's Chi- 
nese holdings; Australia took New 
Guinea and other islands; and France 
and Great Britain or their colonies took 




Central Newt 



REHEARSING A BATTLE 
This model of the terrain to be captured teas made from aeroplane observation and studied by the soldiers who took Messines Ridge 



THE LOSSES IN THE FIRST YEAR OF THE WAR 

As Reported in Official Statistics and Reckoned by the Red Cross 
and Other Relief Organizations 



Killed 

Russia 800,000 

France 450.000 

Great Britain 125,000 

Belgium 50,000 

Serbia 65,000 

Montenegro S.000 

Italy 5,000 

Totals 1,503,000 

Germany 500,000 

Austria-Hungary 355,000 

Turkey 50,000 

Totals 905.000 

Grand totals 2,408,000 



Wounded 


and Missing 


Total 


2,000.000 


800,000 


3,600,000 


S00.000 


310.000 


1,560,000 


250,000 


90,000 


465,000 


1 05.1 II HI 


45,000 


260,000 


113,000 


50,000 


228.000 


15,000 


5,000 


28,000 


12,000 


2,000 


19.000 


3,355,000 


1,302,000 


6,160,000 


900,000 


250,000 


1.650,000 


800,000 


200,000 


1.355,000 


100,000 


50,000 


200,000 


1,800,000 


500.000 


3,205,000 


5,155,000 


1,S02,000 


9,365,000 



all of Germany's extensive African pos- 
sessions save one, which also seems 
doomed soon to be taken. Last, Italy en- 
tered the war, fighting, however, not 
against the Teutonic powers in aid of 
the Allies but simply against Austria- 



Hungary for the advancement of her 
own interests and especially for the re- 
covery of "Italia Irredenta," in the 
Alps and on the Adriatic. 

The first year of the war has therefore 
produced conditions quite different from 



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ON THE WESTERN FRONT 



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ON THE EASTERN FRONT 

These diagrams indicate approximately the fluctuations of the tides of invasion 
mid occupation of territory by the belligerents in the west of Europe — Belgium, 
France and the Reichsland of Germany — and in the chief eastern seat of tear 
— Poland, Galicia, Bukoicina. East Prussia and the Baltic provinces. In the 
upper diagram the continuous line shows the area occupied by the Germans in 
Luxemburg, Belgium and northern France, the high-water mark of about 25,000 
square miles being at the beginning of the Battle of the Marnc in the second 
week of September. Since November the changes have been inconsiderable. The 
dotted line indicates the gains of the French in Alsace and Lorraine, amounting 
at most to only a few hundred square miles, and exaggerated for the sake of 
clearness on this diagram. Much greater gains on both sides, and greater fluctua- 
tions, appear in the lower diagram. The continuous line shows the advance of 
the Germans and Austrians in Russian Poland and the Baltic provinces, now 
higher than ever before and approximating .'/0.000 square miles. The dotted line 
indicates the occupation by the Russians of German territory in East Prussia 
and Silesia and of Austro-Hungarian territory in Galicia, Bukowina and Hun- 
gary; reaching a maximum of about 1)0.000 square miles in April and now 
ebbing toward the vanishing point 



those which were confidently antici- 
pated, and probably a comparably great 
change in the attitude of the belliger- 
ents toward the issues involved. At the 
beginning, exulting in their known 
strength and never having tasted de- 
feat, the Germans, even the foremost 
men of light and leading, talked of 
nothing less than the annexation of 
Belgium, northern France, Poland, the 
Baltic Provinces, and the bulk of Great 
Britain's colonies, and the exaction of 
indemnities which would "bleed white" 
all their antagonists. Now, with their 
plan of campaign defeated, and with 
their empire surrounded by an iron 
ring of foes threatening- at once to 
starve and to crush it. they speak of an 
"honorable peace" without annexations 
or indemnities but on the basis of the 
status quo ante helium. That Germany 
can be starved is doubtful. That she 
can be beaten thru failure of military 
supplies also seems doubtful. That she 
will in the course of another year suffer 
grave embarrassment if not disaster 
thru monetary famine — in brief, bank- 
ruptcy — seems far less doubtful if not, 
indeed, quite probable. It is this aspect 
of the situation and of the outlook which 
now causes most concern and the most 
zealous desire to press the war with 
some speedy and decisive stroke. 

The tone of the Allies, too, has great- 
ly changed. The first hot flush of wrath 
at the violation of Belgium may not 
have cooled, but the expectation of 
wreaking speedy and overwhelming 
vengeance has been disappointed. There 
is no more talk of a swift march to Ber- 
lin, of the fall of the Hohenzollerns, and 
of the dissolution of the German Em- 
pire. The Allied Powers are, indeed, 
bound by a common pledge to make no 
peace until all are agreed upon its 
terms. But they are thoughtfully con- 
sidering the question of how long it will 
take to march to Berlin if a year of 
such furious and costly fighting as the 
world has never seen before has not 
sufficed to drive the invading Germans 
out of France and Belgium. 

Great Britain is of all the Allies the 
most belligerent in sentiment, tho the 
least so in action. Also, she has suffered 
least. She is the least inclined toward 
peace, and insists upon the sine qua non 
of the restoration and full indemnify- 
ing of Belgium, the surrender or de- 
struction of the German navy, and the 
adoption of such measures as will make 
impossible another German attack upon 
her. It is yet to be seen how heavier 
losses and increasing financial burdens 
will affect her. 

France has been waging a war with 
immeasurably greater losses to herself 
than either of her great allies has suf- 
fered, but with a fortitude and resolu- 
tion never surpassed by any nation in 
history. Her first spontaneous demand 



LANDMARKS OF THE CAM- 
PAIGNS 

On the Eastern Front 

August 12 — Austrians invaded Serbia 
and bombarded Belgrade 

August 28— Battle of the Jadar River. 
Austrians driven out of Serbia with 
great loss 

August 2/f — Russians penetrated far 
into East Prussia, threatening 
Konigsbcrg, Dantzig and Posen 

August 30 — Russians routed at Allen- 
stein and Tannenberg and driven 
out of East Prussia with tremend- 
ous losses 

September 2 — Russians took the Gali- 
cian capital, Letnberg, renaming it 
Lvov 

September 5-15 — Serbians invaded 
Austria-Hungary, captured Semlin 
and threatened Sarajevo 

September 23 — Russians captured 
Jaroslav and overran most of Gali- 
cia, threatening Cracow 

October 1 — Russians erost the Car- 
pathians and threatened Hungary 
with invasion 

December 2 — Austrians occupied the 
Serbian capital. Belgrade 

December 11/ — Serbians rcoccu pied 
Belgrade and assumed the aggressive 
against Austria-Hungary 

January 1-5 — Russians invaded Hun- 
gary, occupied Bukoirina, and 
threatened Transylvania with inva- 
sion 

February If — Great German drive at 
Warsaw, directed by von Hinden- 
burg 

February 10-12 — Germans under von 
Hindenburg inflicted crushing de- 
feat upon the Russians in the Mazu- 
rian Lakes region, driving them out 
of East Prussia 

March 19 — Russians occupied Memel 
and threatened Tilsit 

March 22 — After a siege lasting since 
September the Russians captured the 
Galician fortress of Przcmi/sl 

April 2-15 — Tremendous battles in the 
Carpathians 

April 30 — Germans invaded the Baltic 
provinces 

May 3 — Great German and Austrian 

victory in Galicia, in consequence of 

which the Russians began to retire 

May l.'f — German and Austrian armies 

began attacks upon Przemysl 

June 3 — Germans and Austrians re- 
took Przemysl from the Russians 
and moved toward Lemberg 

June 23 — Germans and Austrians re- 
took Lemberg, and soon afterward 
drove the Russians out of most of 
Galicia and Bukowina 
June 15 — Great German drive at War- 
saw simultaneously from ivest, north 
and south, and German invasion of 
Courland threatening Riga 



LANDMARKS OF THE CAM- 
PAIGNS 

On the Fringes of the War 

August 26 — Germans surrendered To- 

goland to Frcncli and British 
September 25 — Australians captured 

New Guiana 
September 28 — French and British 

seized the German Congo Colony 
July 9 — British Union of South Africa 

completed conquest of German 

Southivest Africa^ 
November 7 — Germans surrendered 

Tsing-tau to the Japanese 
April 21 — Armies of the Allies landed 

on Gallipoli Peninsula for conquest 

of the Straits 
May 20 — Italians began their invasion 

of Austria, moving simultaneously 

toward Trent, Gbrz and Trieste 
July 12 — Italian raiders penetrated to 

within three miles of Trieste 



was for a restoration of Alsace and 
Lorraine and repayment of the two mil- 
liards wrested from her in 1871. Wheth- 
er the latter part of this demand is still 



so positively maintained is open to 
question. 

Austria-Hungary planned at the out- 
set to crush and spoliate Serbia, to 
dominate the Balkans, and to gain an 
outlet upon the Aegean Sea. Now she is 
confessedly ready to assent to anything 
which her greater partner may deem 
expedient or necessary; even to the 
granting of guarantees to Serbia and 
of actual concessions of territory to 
Italy and Rumania. 

Russia entered the war as the de- 
fender and champion of all the Slavs. 
She meant to crush Austria, to shatter 
Germany's military power, to annex 
Galicia and perhaps Silesia and Posen 
to her own Poland, and to magnify Ru- 
mania, Serbia and Bulgaria as her 
minor allies. Doubtless that is still her 
purpose. But Muscovite ways are not 
the ways of western Europe. Her pol- 
icy may not break, but it often bends; 
she may not abandon her designs, but 
she may postpone them. Suffering heavy 
losses and with declining credit, a read- 
iness on her part to temporize is not 
beyond the pale of possibility. 

Italy is fighting for her own hand. 
She wants to redeem "Italia Irredenta," 
to remove the menace of Austria at 
Lake Garda, and to establish a greater 
influence for herself on the Albanian 
shore of the Adriatic. But she is not at 
war with Germany, and she is not bound 
to make peace with Austria collectively 
with the Allies. 

Turkey, at least in Europe, is proba- 
bly doomed; not so much thru the ag- 
gressions of the Allies as thru the re- 
fusal of Rumania and Bulgaria to let 
the military supplies which she needs 
pass to her from Germany across their 
neutral territory. The fall of Constan- 
tinople and the opening of the Straits 
to the Allies will be chiefly important 



LANDMARKS OF THE CAM- 
PAIGNS 



In France and Belgium 



August 2 — Germans took possession 
of Luxemburg in violation of its new- 
trality, and tints gained unobstruct- 
ed entrance into France 

August 7 — Germans entered Liege, tho 
some of its forts remained uncon- 
qncred. and passed on thru Belgium 
toward France 

August 8 — French troops occupied 
Millhausen and advanced as far as 
Colmar, in Alsace 

August 19 — Germans destroyed Lou- 
vain 

August 20 — Germans passed thru 
Brussels, unopposed, on their "way 
to Paris" 

August 21-23 — French driven from 
Namur and British from Mons, 
slowly retreating into France before 
the oncoming Germans 

September 2 — French Government re- 
tired from Paris to Bordeaux and 
Paris prepared for siege 

September 6-10 — Battle of the Marne, 
in which the French and British, 
under orders to "die rather than re- 
treat," checked and turned back the 
Germans at the high water mark of 
their invasion of France and drive 
toward Paris 

September 16-28— Battle of the Aisne, 
in ivhich the Germans held their 
ground against the attempt of the 
Allies to drive them out of France 

October 10 — Germans captured Ant- 
werp, completing their conquest of 
Belgium, and the remains of the Bel- 
gian army retired into France and 
joined the Allies 

October 15-25 — Five-fold battles of 
four nations in western Flanders in 
which the first great German drive 
at Calais and the Channel coast was 
baffled 

October 30 — Belgians flooded western 
Flanders to drive out Germans 

December 30 — German aviators bom- 
barded Dunkirk 

March 11 — British capture Neuve 
Chapclle after several days' fighting 
with, heavy losses on both sides 

April 22 — In great battle near Ypres 
the Germans began the use of 
asphyxiating and poisonous gases in 
warfare, with effective results 

June 2 — Battles in the "Labyrinth" 
begun 



because it will enable Russia to be far 
more readily supplied with the military 
munitions which her backward indus- 
trialism makes her unable to provide 
for herself. 

Rumania, Bulgaria and Greece have 
so long kept out of the struggle that 
they may succeed in doing so to the end, 
unless they gratuitously inject them- 
selves into it for the sake of seeking 
a share in the spoils. However that may 
be, there can be little doubt that the set- 







-iV- : 



' i -. 






x 




FIRST 



Pictorial Press 



HOW THE ALLIES ADVANCE IN 
FRANCE 

The photograph above shows one of the 
important German positions taken by the 
Allies in 1917 on the western front. 
The lines of trenches have been retraced 
and lettered to bring out exactly the prob- 
lem that their capture offered and the 
direction of the attack, to the summit of 
Cornillct, indicated. During the preliminary 
bombardment the French gunners fired 
orer fifty thousand shells into this one spot. 
The attack, successful only after a month 
of hard fighting, was carried on under 
the direction of General Anthoine (whose 
photograph is published on this page). 
After the battle of Marne the Germans 
occupied an uninterrupted line of observa- 
tions starting at Notre Dame-de-Lorette, 
extending to Yimy, Chemin des Dames. 
Moronvilliers, Montfaucon and Les Eparges, 
down to Hartmannswillerkopf. One of the 
strongest points on this line was Mont 
Cornillct. which was a dominating point to 
the plains of Chalons. Under the direct 
command of General Anthoine the costly 
battle of Moronvilliers began on April 17. 
1917, and lasted till May 20 of the same 
year. The capture of Mont Cornillet, which 
changed hands a score of times, was the 




THE CAPTURE OF MONT 
CORNILLET 

key to the rest of the "massifs" irhirh 
protected Moronvilliers. German genius in 
putting up a strong defensive observation 
post on the summit of the hill was discov- 
ered after a survey by a major of Fifty- 
first Infantry. There he found a shaft 
thirty meters deep cut in the center of the 
hill and a connecting tunnel dug thru from 
the eastern slope leading directly to the 
shaft. An elaborate series of barracks and 
commanding posts large enough to house 
three infantries safe from the most terrific 
bombardment had been built there, yet a 
single shot from the -',00 French mortars 
demolished the whole structure and the 
German dead were found piled on top of 
each other for ten meters deep. A French 
engineer, sent in to explore the German 
tunnel-redoubt under Mont Cornillet after 
the Allies had captured it. took the photo- 
graph on the opposite page by the light of 
a German flare. At least six hundred 
corpses, piled fire or six deep, were lying in 
heaps in various parts of the long under- 
ground galleries; the French bombardment 
had choked the entrances and ventilation 
shafts in such a manner that almost the 
entire garrison irere killed by suffocation 




London Splicrc, © Xew York Herald. 



AFTER THE BATTLE 
This flashlight photograph of the tunnel under Mont Cornillet -was taken by a Frenchman sent in to reconnoiter after its capture 



(*) 



WAR 



SURPRIZES 



Temperance and abstinence as meas- 
ures for military efficiency 

Sixteen-inch siege howitzers throwing 
ton shell fifteen miles 

Failure of steel and concrete fortifica- 
tions hitherto considered impreg- 
nable 

Submarines 300 feet long with cruising 
radius of .',000 miles 

Aerial warfare with aeroplanes, Zep- 
pelins and Zeppelin destroyers ; 
using artillery and showers of steel 
darts 

Armored and armed motor cars 

Incendiary grenades 

Searchlight bombs 

Use of asphyxiating gases 

Photography from rockets 

Fire-fold warfare: Terrestrial, subter- 
ranean, aerial, marine and sub- 
marine 



THE ARMIES AT WAR 

When they entered the war the bel- 
ligerents were possest of the following 
approximate numbers of trained sol- 
diers : 

Russia 5,962,000 

France 3,878,000 

Italy 1,115,000 

Great Britain 633,000 

Serbia 240,000 

Belgium 222,000 

Montenegro 50,000 

Total of Allies 12,100,000 

Germany 4,000,000 

Austria-Hungary 1,820,000 

Turkey 1,100,000 

Total 6,920,000 

Grand total 19,020,000 

During the first year of the war these 
forces have suffered total losses of ap- 
proximately nine million men, as indi- 
cated in another table. Neiv levies hare 
filled the places of these losses and 
have made the armies at the end of the 
year probably larger than at the be- 
ginning. 



tlement at the end of the war will com- 
prise a radical readjustment of affairs 
in that much-troubled corner of the con- 
tinent. The ostensible pretext, tho not 
the actual cause, of the war was in that 
region, and there, too, must be felt its 
results. 

The United States, altho so far re- 
moved from the scene of war and from 
interest in its issues, has been subjected 
to belligerent influences and considera- 
tions far more than in any preceding- 
foreign war; more, even, than in that 
Napoleonic war of more than a century 
ago which led to our becoming involved 
in our second war with Great Britain. 
Our interest arose from a variety of 
causes — the large number of our pop- 
ulation of foreign origin and sympa- 
thies, the extensive purchase of supplies 
in this country by the belligerents, the 
widely different conceptions and inter- 
pretations of neutrality held by this 
country and by some of the belligerents, 
and above all, perhaps, the correspond- 
ing differences in regard for interna- 
tional law. 

The United States has from the 
beginning insisted upon maintaining 
the same principles of neutrality 
which have consistently governed its 
course, and upon observance of the in- 
ternational rules of warfare which 
have hitherto been agreed to and re- 
spected by all nations. Some of the bel- 
ligerents, on the contrary, have de- 
manded a radical abandonment of some 
of our fundamental principles of neu- 
trality, and have insisted upon arbi- 
trarily changing the rules of warfare 
without our consent and to our great 
injury. The result is that the close of 
the year of war finds our relations with 
some European powers more seriously 
strained than they have ever been be- 
fore without actual breakage. 



MONEY COST OF THE FIRST 

YEAR OF THE WAR 
William Miehaelis, of Berlin, an emi- 
nent German statistician, is quoted as 
estimating the present cost of the war 
to the chief belligerents as $42,250,000 
a day, or at the rate of nearly $15,- 
500,000,000 a year. Stupendous as 
these figures are, they are more proba- 
bly under than, over the truth. Mr. 
Asquith recently reported to Parlia- 
ment that Great Britain alone was 
spending $15,000,000 a day. It has 
been credibly estimated that France 
and Russia arc spending at least $12,- 
000,000 a day each. Such figures, car- 
ried thru the list, ivould make the total 
cost something like twice the figures 
of Mr. Miehaelis. The loans issued and 
subscribed by the chief belligerents 
down to the present date have been as 
folloivs: 
Great Britain, two 

loans $5,525,000,000 

France, two loans 3,203,000,000 

Russia, one loan 1,065,000,000 

Total for Allies $9,793,000,000 

Germany, two loans.. $3,491,000,000 

Prussia, one loan 2,500,000,000 

Austria-Hungary, two 

loans 1,260,000,000 

Total for Teutonic 

powers $7,251,000,000 

Grand total $17,044,000,000 

1'he minor powers and neutrals have 
also made loans on account of the tear. 
Belgium has borrowed $50,000,000 and 
Serbia $.',,000,000 from Great Britain 
without interest until the end of the 
war. Rumania has borrowed $25,000,- 
000 from the same source. Switzer- 
land has raised $36,000,000 in three 
loans to improve her defenses against 
violation of her neutrality. The jigurrs 
cited do not, of course, indicate the 
whole cost of the war, as other large 
expenses are met from increased taxa- 
tion. It has recently been estimated by 
careful and competent authority that 
the first i/car of the war will have cost 
$25,000,000,000, or more than the sum 
of the public debts of all the nations 
concerned at the beginning of the war. 



<t + 







£ Cdincotid £ Underload 

The modern way of inarching. Sending troops to the front is managed now trillion! wearing out the men by tedious marches 




Inli i iiatit'ii-il V dm 



SOWING THE DRAGON'S TEETH— A MODERN VERSION 
Bayonets fixed, these English troops are lined up for inspection — and probably applause — just before leaving for the front 




% Jf 



THE BIG BRITISH HAMMERS 
An unusual photograph of actual fighting. This is one of the batteries of British heavy howitzers pounding away at the Hindenburg line 




Vn4crtcood 

The end of the second year of war found the boy-soldiers of the class of 1916 fighting in the French trenches 




i j TERRITORY OF ALLIES 

[ m IIRRITORY OF CEHTRAL POWERS 
| TERRITORY AT PEACE 



All of the Gerr 



THE WORLD AT THE END OF THE SECOND YEAR OF WAR 
ies have been conquered except a narrowing strip in the middle of German East Africa. The black area is that 
by the Central Powers : the shaded belongs to the Entente Allies. Neutral countries are left white 



THE SECOND YEAR OF THE GREAT WAR 



August, 1016 

AFTER another year of warfare 
in which the area of conflict 
has widened, the number en- 
gaged are more numerous, the losses 
have increased and the expense has 
multiplied enormously, the issue of the 
conflict still remains in doubt and there 
is no more evidence of a speedy peace 
than there was on August 1, 1914, or 
August 1, 1915. In men and money the 
odds in favor of the Allies are greater 
than ever and so their ultimate victory 
seems inevitable if they keep up the 
fight, but on the other hand, all the cam- 
paigns of the past year in Europe have 
gone to the advantage of Germany and 
her allies and their powers of resistance 
show no evidence yet of being ex- 
hausted. 

Since the Great War is being fought 
on fields whose operations are quite dis- 
tinct it will be most convenient to con- 
sider the various campaigns separately, 
giving in each case a few memorable 
dates and a brief summary of the re- 
sults. 

THE CAMPAIGN IN FRANCE AND 
BELGIUM 

August 3, 1914 — Germans enter Belgium. 

August 7. — Germans take Liege. 

August 23-25 — French defeated at Charleroi and 

British at Mons. 
September 6-10 — Germans defeated on the Marne. 
September 14-28 — Germans make a stand on the 

October 9 — Germans take Antwerp. 

March 10-14. 1915 — British attack at Neuve Cha- 

pelle but gain little ground. 
April 22-May 9 — Germans attack at Ypres but 

gain little ground. 
May 9-14 — French and British attack in Artois 

but gain little ground. 
September 25-27 — British attack at Loos and 

French in Champagne, but gain little ground. 
February 21. 1916 — Germans begin attack upon 

Verdun that still continues. 
July 1 — French and British begin attack on the 

Somme that still continues. 



BY EDWIN E. SLOSSON 



COUNTRIES IN CONFLICT 
Territory now in possession of 
Allied Powers 

31,332,000 square miles 
Territory note in possession of Cen- 
tral Powers 

1.245,000 square miles 
Superiority of Allies over Central 
Powers in area more than 
25 to 1 

PEOPLE IN CONFLICT 
Population of territory now in pos- 
session of Allied Powers 
S46.000,000 
Population of territory now in pos- 
session of Central Powers 
177,000,000 
Superiority of Allies over Central 
Powers in population nearly 
5 to 1 



The battle line in France and Bel- 
gium remains substantially where it 
was drawn in the fall of 1914, altho 
more than a million men have been sac- 
rificed in the effort to shove it one way 
or the other. Determined and long pre- 
pared attacks have been made upon it 
three times by the British, three times 
by the French, and twice by the Ger- 
mans, but nowhere yet has the line 
budged more than five miles or so from 
where it was first fixed. In the spring of 
1915 the British took the village of 
Neuve Chapelle at a cost of 12,000 men, 
and in the fall they took the village of 
Loos at a cost of 50,000 men. The Ger- 
mans made a desperate attempt with 
the aid of gas to smash their way thru 
the low land of Flanders to Calais, but 
~e British, French and Belgians held 
the line about Ypres. The French struck 



at the same time as the British in Ar- 
tois and Champagne, but with no 
better success. That, in brief, was the 
history of 1915. 

In 1916 it was expected that an 
Anglo-French offensive would open the 
campaign in the spring, but the Ger- 
mans forestalled it by a furious attack 
upon Verdun, the corner fortress of 
France. Since February 21 the fight- 
ing has been incessant here, and half 
a million men have been sacrificed but 
the French still hold to the ruined town 
and its inner circle of forts. 

Finally at 7:30 in the morning of the 
first day of July, 1916, the Anglo- 
French offensive was launched. The 
attack was directed at the German lines 
on both sides of the Somme opposite 
Peronne, a battlefield familiar to every 
reader of Scott's "Quentin Durward." 
At the end of a month the French and 
British have each advanced three or 
four miles — but here the cautious 
chronicler must stay his hand and not 
attempt to forecast the fate of the 
virgin fortress, Peronne la Pucelle. 

Whatever may be thought of future 
prospects, the campaign in France at 
the end of the second year must be 
pronounced a deadlock if not a stale- 
mate. 

THE RUSSIAN CAMPAIGN 

August 26-31, 1914 — Russians defeated at Tannen- 
berg, East Prussia : limit of Russian advance 
westward into Germany. 

May 1, 1915— Russians driven back from Dunaiec 
River, Galicia; limit of Russian advance 
westward into Austria. 

August 5, 1915 — Germans take "Warsaw, capital 
of Poland. 

September 16-19, 1915 — Germans take Pinrk and 
Vilna; limit of German advance eastward in- 
to Russia. 

June 1. 1916 — Russian drive begins. 

June 17. 1916 — Russians take Czernovitz, capital 
of Bukovina. 



The eastern front presents a great 
contrast to the western. Instead of a 
line practically stationary for a year 
and a half, the contending armies have 
swept back and forth over a strip near- 
ly three hundred miles wide and eight 
hundred miles long. Some cities have 
changed hands two or three times, and 
no country has been more thoroly dev- 
astated. The Russians on their retreat 
adopted the same tactics as they did 
against Napoleon, and destroyed fac- 
tories, stores and crops so far as they 
were able to. Three million refugees fled 
into the interior of Russia, causing 
great distress and embarrassment, but 
incidentally breaking down the Pale 
which has hitherto restricted the Jews 
to the western provinces. 

The war began by a swift advance of 
the Russians into East Prussia, but this 
was checked by the victory of General 
von Hindenburg on the historic field of 
Tannenberg. Thus the Germans took 
the offensive and penetrated Poland 
almost to Warsaw, but here they were 
stopped in midwinter. 

Then the Russians turned their atten- 
tion to the Austrian front, where they 
were more successful. Lemberg, the 
capital of Galicia, and Przemysl, its 
chief fortress, were captured, and the 
spring of 1915 found the Russian ar- 
mies in possession of the mountain wall 
of the Carpathians, looking down upon 
the Hung-arian plains to the south. 

But the German general, Mackensen, 
with a large army of Austrian and Ger- 
man troops, swept the Russians back 
three hundred miles during May and 
June, and so recovered all of Bukovina 
and Galicia except one corner. 



In the north the Germans were still 
more successful. One year after the war 
began Prince Leopold of Bavaria en- 
tered Warsaw in triumph. A dozen fort- 
resses fell in quick succession. All Po- 
land was conquered and also Russian 
territory for two hundred miles north 
of it and a hundred miles east of it. 
The Baltic province of Courland, large- 
ly inhabited by Germans, fell into Ger- 
man hands except the port of Riga, 
which, protected by its swamps, resist- 
ed capture. By the fall of 1915 the 
Germans held a line running almost 
straight south from the Dvina River to 
the Rumanian border and at least a 
third shorter than their old Russian 
frontier. This line remained stationary 
until the following June. 

The Russian armies were badly de- 
moralized. They had lost heavily in 
casualties and prisoners. They were out 
of ammunition and the transportation 
system had broken down. The Grand 
Duke Nicholas, who as commander-in- 
chief was, rightly or wrongly, held re- 
sponsible for the disaster, was removed 
to the Caucasus and the Czar himself 
assumed nominal command of the Rus- 
sian forces. During the winter the ar- 
mies were completely reorganized and 
equipped for a new campaign. Muni- 
tions were received in large quantities 
from Japan and the United States by 
way of the Siberian railroad. British, 
French, Belgian and Japanese contin- 
gents were sent to take charge of ar- 
mored motor cars, aeroplanes and other 
expert services. In exchange Russia 
sent six detachments of her surplus 
troops, unequipped, to France. 

General Kuropatkin, of Manchurian 




THE BATTLEFIELDS 



are distinguished fr 



'e given in black. Neutral countries are white, 
the Entente Allies by different shading 



fame, was placed in charge of the 
northern army group and General 
Brusiloff in charge of the southern. On 
June 1 the Russian offensive started in 
the south and in the two months since 
has attained a considerable success. The 
Russians have reconquered the crown- 
land of Bukovina and reached the Car- 
pathians beyond. The Austrians in 
Galicia and the Germans just north of 
it have both been driven back fifty 
miles from their winter front. The Rus- 
sians claim the capture of over 300,000 
prisoners in the last two months. 

As it stands at the end of the second 
year of war the Germans hold over 
100,000 square miles of Russian terri- 
tory and the Russians hold about 10,000 
square miles of Austrian territory. 

THE ITALIAN CAMPAIGN 
May 23. 1916 — Italy declares -war on Austria. 
May 15. 1916 — Austrians advance from Trentino. 
June 20, 1916 — Italians drive Austrians back to- 
ward Trentino. 

The entrance of Italy into the war did 
not make so much difference as the 
Allies had hoped. The boundary line, 
which was drawn in 1866 so as to give 
Austria a strategic advantage, proved 
to be all that was expected of it. The 
Austrians were able to hold their fron- 
tier, protected as it was on the one side 
by the Tyrolese Alps and on the other 
by the Isonzo River, with three or four 
hundred thousand men against a million 
or more troops at the command of Gen- 
eral Cadorna. The Italians have not 
taken any town of importance, and until 
recently the fighting has mostly been 
confined to a strip of four or five miles 
inside the Austrian border. 

But in the middle of last May the 
Austrians undertook an offensive move- 
ment from the Trentino and had ad- 
vanced about ten miles into the Vene- 
tian Valley when the Russian drive 
began, and they were obliged to with- 
draw their troops to their mountain 
shelter. 

So, after more than twenty-two 
months of war, the Austrians and Ital- 
ians stand about where they started, 
except for the heavy losses both have 
sustained. 

THE BALKAN CAMPAIGN 

July 28. 1914 — Austria declares war upon Serbia. 

August 23. 1914 — First Austrian invasion repulsed. 

December 10. 1914 — Second Austrian " 
pulsed. 

September 20. 1915— Bulgaria mobilij 

September 23. 1915 — Greec 

October 5. 1915— French i 
at Salonica. 

October 8, 1915 — Austrians take Belgrade. 

November 5 1915 — Bulears take Nish. 

November 30. 1915— Conquest of Serbia completed. 

January 14 1916 — Austrians enter Cettinje. capi- 
tal of Montenegro. 

Serbia, about which the war began, 
was the first country to be completely 
conquered. The armies that Austria 
sent into Serbia in the summer and 
winter of 1914 met with such humiliat- 
ing defeats tha\, no further attempts 
were made until the fall of 1915. By 
that time the spectacular success of the 
Germans in Russia and the failure of 
the Allies to make any impression upon 
the German lines in France had in- 
clined the Balkan states toward the 
Central Powers. Both sides made gen- 
erous offers of enemy territory to Bul- 
garia, Greece and Rumania and both 
had hopes up to the last moment of 



winning over one or all of them. But 
when it came to the show-down it 
turned out that Rumania was deter- 
mined to remain neutral, that Bulgaria 
would espouse the cause of the Central 
Powers and that Greece was divided. 
King Constantine, whose wife is sister 
to the Kaiser, was pro-German in his 
sympathies, but Venizelos, his prime 
minister, was pro-Ally. The King won 
the political battle and declared Greece 
neutral, but that did not prevent the 
British and French troops from using 
Greek territory for their military and 
naval operations. 

The Bulgarian troops entered Serbia 
from the eastern side at the same time 
that the Austrian and German troops 
entered from the northern side. While 
the Teutons took Belgrade, the old cap- 
ital of Serbia, the Bulgars took Nish, 
the new capital. The Serbs, caught be- 
tween the two armies and receiving no 
aid from outside, were defeated on the 
plain of Kossovo, where the Turks had 
conquered them five hundred years be- 
fore. The aged King Peter escaped in a 
peasant's cart and such of his troops 
as were not captured or killed took 
refuge in Greece and Albania. 

The tiny kingdom of Montenegro 
shared the fate of the allied and kindred 
Serbia. The supposedly impregnable 
Mount Lovcen, which dominates the 
Bay of Cattaro, was taken by the Aus- 
trians with surprizing ease, and King 
Nicholas went into exile in Prance. 

Albania, which five months before the 
war had been set up by the powers as 
an independent nation under a Prus- 
sian prince, is now divided among her 
neighbors. The Austrians are in pos- 
session of the northern part and the 
Bulgars of the eastern; the Italians 
hold Avlona on the western coast and 
the Greeks have seized the Epirote 
provinces on the south. 

The British Government, surprized 
and chagrined at Bulgaria's joining the 
enemy, thought it too late to intervene 
in the Balkans, but General Joffre ran 
over to London, and by his eloquence 
and earnestness persuaded the cabinet 
to join with him in the rescue of Ser- 
bia. But by the time the French and 
British troops got there the country 
was conquered, so they withdrew to 
Salonica which they have ever since 
occupied in spite of the protests of the 
Greek Government at this violation of 
neutrality. The Allied fleet blockaded 
the Greek coast and so forced the Greek 
Government to evacuate the Salonica 
district and finally to demobilize the 
Greek army. The Bulgars, claiming the 



TERRITORIAL GAINS 
The end of the second year of the 
tear finds the "belligerent powers hold- 
ing the following territories not pre- 
viously included among their posses- 
sions : 

Area Normal 

Square miles Population 
Great Britain.. .2,510.000 22.000,000 

Russia 412.000 5,350,000 

Germany 127,000 29.000,000 

France ' 112,600 1,800,000 

Austria 31,500 3,400.000 

Bulgaria 17,000 2,270,000 




(B ft t T ! 3 H) ,,, 

/ 1 i v 



THE PARTITION OF TURKEY 
Asiatic Turkey has been attacked from all four sides. The attempt of the British and French to 
force the Dardanelles and take Constantinople was frustrated, but on the east the Russians 
have conquered the greater part of Armenia as well as overrun northern Persia. The British 
have occupied southern Persia and the coast of the Persian Gulf, and declared a protectorate over 
Egypt. The British expedition sent up the Tigris to take Bagdad was defeated and captured. 
Most of the Arab tribes are said to be in revolt against Ottoman rule 

The Dardanelles campaign accom- 
plished nothing, except, perhaps, to 
frustrate a Turkish attack upon 
Egypt. 

THE MESOPOTAMIAN CAMPAIGN 
November, 1914 — British take Basra, near head of 

Persian Gulf. 
January, 1915 — Expedition starts up Tigris. 
November 22, 1915 — British advance checked at 

Ctesipbon, 18 miles below Bagdad. 
December 3, 1915 — British expedition retires to 

Kut-el-Amara and is there besieged. 
April 29, 1916 — British expedition surrenders at 

Kut-el-Amara. 

Early in the war the British took 
possession of the Persian and Turkish 
territory about the Persian Gulf, and 
in 1915 expeditions were sent up the 
Tigris and Euphrates rivers. The Ti- 
gris expedition had almost reached 
Bagdad when it encountered a supe- 
rior force of Turks and was forced to 
withdraw a hundred miles down- 
stream. Here it was caught in a bend 
in the river at Kut-el-Amara and was 
so closely invested that only aeroplanes 
could reach it. After holding out for 
nearly five months, the expedition, con- 
sisting then of only 10,000 British and 
Indian troops, surrendered to the Turks. 

The failure of the Mesopotamian 
campaign, tho it involved insignificant 
numbers compared with the European 
operations, had a serious effect upon 
British prestige in the East. 

THE CAUCASIAN CAMPAIGN 
February 15, 1916 — Russians take Erzermn. 
April 18, 1916 — Russians take Trebizond. 
July 26, 1916 — Russians take Erzingan. 

The only definite success outside of 
Africa so far achieved by any of the 
nine Allies is the Russian conquest of 
Armenia. The Grand Duke Nicholas, 
transferred to the Caucasus, began 
from there the invasion of Turkey be- 
fore the winter was over. The opposi- 
tion was feeble and the fortresses of 
Erzerum and Trebizond, renowned 
from old for their ability to stand a 
siege, surrendered as soon as they were 
reached. But the Russian occupation of 
this region was not soon enough to save 
the Armenians. The Turks, knowing 



same privilege, have occupied Greek 
territory to the east of Salonica. 

The Balkan campaign, then, has gone 
altogether against the Allies. The Cen- 
tral Powers have won Bulgaria as an 
ally and have occupied Serbia, Monte- 
negro and Albania. 

THE DARDANELLES CAMPAIGN 

February 19, 1915 — British warships shell Turkish 
forts. 

March 18, 1915 — Three warships lost in Darda- 
nelles; fleet withdrawn. 

April 25, 1915 — Australasian troops landed on 
Gallipoli. 

August 6, 1915 — Second landing made at Suvla. 
Gallipoli. 

December 19, 1915 — Troops withdrawn from Gal- 
lipoli. 

The attempt to force the Darda- 
nelles and take Constantinople was ill- 
advised and ill-managed. First a fleet 
of British and French warships, includ- 
ing the largest battleship ever con- 
structed, was sent out to accomplish 
the feat alone. After a month spent in 
bombarding the Turkish forts guarding 
the strait had failed to reduce them, 
the fleet rashly entered the Dardanelles, 
where two British and one French bat- 
tleships were promptly sunk by float- 
ing mines. 

Then it was decided to try troops, 
but a month was spent in making the 
necessary preparations for landing, and 
by that time the Turks, under German 
engineers, had fortified the Gallipoli 
peninsula. The Australian and New 
Zealand Army Corps was landed on the 
western shore of the peninsula, called 
for that reason Anzac Cove, but they 
were never able to fight their way in- 
land far enough to reach the ridge 
commanding the strait. Another con- 
tingent landed at Suvla Bay, a little 
farther up the coast, was also forced to 
keep to the shelter of the beach. Late 
in the year the enterprize was aban- 
doned and the troops withdrawn. The 
British losses were 117,549 killed, 
wounded and missing. There were also 
96,683 hospital cases of disease, an un- 
usual feature in the present war. 



that the Armenians would welcome the 
advance of the Russians, determined 
upon their removal, and during the 
winter a million or more Armenians, 
Syrians and Greeks were massacred or 
deported. Northern Persia, which, ac- 
cording to the Anglo-Russian agree- 
ment of 1907, was recognized as the 
Russian "sphere of influence," has now 
passed under Russian control in spite 
of the resistance of the Persian Nation- 
alists aided by the Germans and Turks. 
Unless, then, the results of this cam- 
paign are nullified in Europe, the Rus- 
sian Empire will incorporate northern 
Persia and northeastern Turkey. 

THE AFRICAN CAMPAIGN 

August 26, 1914 — British and French conquer To- 
goland. 

July 9. 1915— General Botha of Union of South 
Africa conciuers German Southwest Africa, 

February 18, 1916 — British and French conquer 
Kamerun. 

Mirch 9. 1916 — General Smuts of the Union of 
South Africa enters upon the conquest of Ger- 
man East Africa. 

The German colonies in Africa have 
an area more than four times that of 
the Fatherland, but there probably were 
not more than 25,000 Germans in them 
when the war broke out. Cut off from 
Germany, from one another, and from 
the outside woild by the British com- 
mand of the coast, it was inevitable that 
they should succumb. The only wonder 
is that these four isolated groups should 
be able to hold out as long as they 
have against enemies on every side. 
Two of the colonies, Togo and Kam- 
erun, were cleaned up by British and 
French troops. The other two were left 
to the Union of South Africa. The Boer 
generals, Botha and Smuts, who six- 
teen years ago were fighting against 
the British, undertook to annex Ger- 
man Southwest Africa to the British 
Empire. The job was so well done that 
General Smuts was set at the same task 
in German East Africa. The region 
about Mount Kilimanjaro is already in 
his possession, and with Belgians in- 
vading the colony from the west and 
Portuguese from the south, the handful 
of Germans in the interior cannot be 
expected to resist much longer. 

With their capitulation will vanish 
the colonial empire that the German 
Government has labored ever since 1884 
to construct. 

THE WAR ON THE SEA 

August 5, 1914 — Beatty sinks three German cruis- 
ers in the bight of Helgoland. 

November 1, 1914 — Cradock's squadron defeated 
off Coronel, Chili, by Von Spee's squadron. 

December 8, 1914 — Sturdee destroys Von Spee's 
squadron near Falkland Islands. 

January 24, 1915 — German squadron defeated at 
Dogger Bank. 

February 7, 1915 — Germans declare a war-zone 
about British Isles. 

March 11, 1915 — British Order-in-Council estab- 
lishes cordon control shutting off all goods 
going to or from Germany, 

May 7. 1915 — "Lusitania" sunk. 

May 4. 1916 — Germany agrees not to sink liners 
without warning. 

Mav 31. 1916 — Greatest naval battle of history 
' fought off Jutland. 

June 5, 1916 — "Hampshire" sunk with Kitchener 
on board. 

June 29. 1916 — England renounces the Declaration 
of London. 

The story of the war on the sea may 
be summed up in few words: After 
two years the British supremacy re- 
mains unshaken. The German subma- 
rines have inflicted heavy losses upon 
the naval and mercantile shipping of 



THE DAILY COST 
The leading belligerents were at the 
end of the second year spending money 
nt the following rates per diem: 

Great Britain $30,000,000 

Germany 22,000,000 

France ' 15,500,000 

Russia 16,000,000 

Austria 12,000,000 

ltuti, 8,000,000 

Turkey 1,500,000 

Bulgaria 1.500,000 

Belgium 1,500,000 

Total $108,000,000 



the Allies. A few sea-rovers like the 
"Emden" and the "Mowe" have been 
for a time at large. The submarine 
"Deutschland," loaded with dyes, ap- 
peared at Baltimore. But German ship- 
ping has been virtually shut off from 
the sea, and German commerce by any 
channel has been cut down almost to 
extinction. Without declaring a block- 
ade, because, as Premier Asquith said, 
"the government are not going to allow 
their efforts to be strangled in a net- 
work of judicial niceties," the British 
Government inspects the cargo and 
mails of all ships bound for European 
ports, whatever their flag or des- 
tination, and no goods are allowed to 
pass if suspected of being intended for 
Germany. The United States, in main- 
tenance of its historic principle that 
"free ships make free goods," has pro- 
tested against the illegality and strin- 
gency of the British procedure, but 
without avail. 

The sinking of passenger vessels like 
the "Lusitania" aroused such indigna- 
tion in neutral countries that the party 
in Germany which was opposed to such 
tactics secured the ascendency, and the 
United States was assured that the 
German submarines would not in the 
future attack unarmed merchantmen 
without fair warning. But this promise 
was made upon the condition that Eng- 
land's blockade practises be brought 
within the scope of international law, 
so it is possible that the submarine 
raids may be resumed at any time that 
Germany is willing to incur the dis- 
pleasure of the United States. 

The dreadnoughts and battle-cruisers 
of the two fleets came into conflict for 
the first time near the mouth of the 
Skagerrak and off the coast of Jutland 
on the afternoon of the last day of May. 
The result is indecisive from the stand- 
point of naval power. The British losses 
were about twice those of the Germans, 
but since the British navy is about twice 
as strong, the ratio is not materially 
changed. 



THE NATIONS 


AT WAR IN 1916 


THE ENTENTE 


THE CENTRAL 


AI.I.IKS 




POWERS 


Great Bri 


a in 


Germany 


France 




Austria-Hungary 


Russia 




Bulgaria 


Itahl 




Turkey 


Japan 






Belgium 






Serbia 






Montenegi 







Portugal 







CHANGES IN THE MAP 

Publishers of geographies are hold- 
ing back on new editions because it is 
anticipated that there will be many 
alterations to be made in national 
boundaries however the war may turn 
out. A map of the world made now 
would show that since August, 1914, an 
area almost equal to the whole of Eu- 
rope has changed hands at least tem- 
porarily. On page 21 we summarize the 
chief of these changes. The figures 
given are, of course, only approximate 
for the area actually held by the armies 
is not definitely determinable and the 
population is still more uncertain be- 
cause millions of people who were in 
the war zones have fled to other coun- 
tries or else have perished by war, mas- 
sacre, privation and plague. 

From the table it will be seen that 
the lion's share of the spoils has gone 
to Great Britain. With the assistance 
of the Japanese and Australians she 
took possession of all of the German 
islands in the Pacific and with the as- 
sistance of the French and Boers she 
has conquered all of the German colo- 
nies in Africa except German East 
Africa, of which the central portion is 
still unsubdued. In the conquest of Togo 
and Kamerun, French and British 
troops cooperated, so I have calculated 
these colonies as divided equally be- 
tween the two powers, altho it is quite 
likely that France will be given a much 
larger share in the final settlement. 
Egypt, Sudan and Cyprus, which be- 
fore the war belonged nominally to 
Turkey, altho under the administrative 
control of England, are now listed as 
part of the British Empire. The south- 
ern half of Persia has now virtually 
passed under British rule, as well as 
a considerable part of Arabia. The 
troops that were sent up the Tigris and 
Euphrates have control of the vilayet 
of Busra. 

To the French I have tentatively as- 
signed half of the German colonies of 
Togo and Kamerun. In Alsace the 
French still hold a strip a few miles 
wide and about forty-five miles long on 
the German side of the border. 

Germany has Luxemburg, nearly all 
of Belgium and a large slice of France. 
On the Russian side the German troops 
are in possession of all Poland, almost 
all of Courland and a large part of the 
governments of Vilna, Kovno, Grodno 
and Volhynia. 

Austrian, Bulgarian and German 
troops joined in the Balkan campaign. 
How the territory gained in it will be 
divided no man knows. The figures given 
in the table on the preceding page are 
based upon the assumption that Austria 
for the present has possession of the 
northern half of Serbia and Albania 
and the whole of Montenegro, and that 
Bulgaria has the balance of Serbia. 

PAYING FOR IT 
According to David Lloyd George the 
war will be won by "silver bullets." 
Since England is the country with the 
greatest store of this sort of ammuni- 
tion her part in the burden of war be- 




THE DEATH OF AN AIRMAN 



This remarkable photograph of the destruction of the aeroplane in which Flight Lieutenant R. G. Ferrick of the British Aviation 
Corps u-as making observations over the enemy lines was taken by a photographer in the German trenches after the 
aeroplane had been struck by a shell from a German anti-aircraft gun and had burst into flames as it was 




CowrtoM 1/ndofiwoeJ AN AVIATI0N BASE BEHIND THE FRENCH LINES AT VERDUN 

This photograph was take, by an aviator 1600 ff.^^.^ 
d Tn?^t e I S;S^i" d ,«i^.*^S£1;I for iderJncatior. dun„ 8 fltoht. Genoa,, maeh.nes show a 




© Underwood rf Underwood 



comes increasingly important as the 
months drag on. Parliament has just 
been asked to provide $2,550,000,000 
more, making a total of $14,160,000,000 
appropriated during the past two years. 
These credits have been granted with- 
out opposition and almost without de- 
bate and the government has not been 
required even to specify the various 
uses for which the money was to be ap- 
plied. Never before in the history of the 
world has any government had such 
enormous sums placed at its disposal 
without restriction. 

It must not be hastily assumed that 
these billions spent are altogether wast- 
ed. In the first place a billion and a 
quarter of England's expenditure con- 
sists of money advanced to her allies 
and her oversea dominions. These are 
loans which presumably will be repaid 
with interest unless the Allies are 
ruined. 

Then, too, the appropriations of Par- 
liament include all of the running ex- 
penses of the government, now higher 
than usual because the government has 
taken on more functions. The ordinary 
expenditure of the British Government 
before the war was about one billion 
dollars. Of this some $380,000,000 a 
year went for army and navy and of 
course were "wasted" in the same sense 
as the larger sums now spent for the 
purpose. But altho soldiering in peace 
or war must be classed among the un- 
productive occupations and the money 
expended for explosives is speedily con- 



READY FOR THE AIR RAIDS 



THE WAR 


OF RACES 




The chief races 


taking part in the 




Great War are: 






Afridis 


Kurds 




Albanians 


Lithuanians 




Algerians 


Magyars 




Annamites 


Malirattas 




Armenians 


Malagasy 




Arabs 


Maoris 




Austrians 


Montenegrins 




Bantus 


Mongols 




Belgians 


Pathans 




Boers 


Persians 




British 


Poles 




Bulgars 


Portuguese 




Circassians 


Rumanians 




Croatians 


Russians 




Czechs 


Ruthenians 




Egyptians 


Senegalese 




Finns 


Serbs 




French 


Sikhs 




Garhwalis 


Slovaks 




Georgians 


Slovenes 




Germans 


Syrians 




Gurkhas 


Tartars 




Italians 


Tonkinese 




Japanese 


Turks 




Jews 


West Indians 





sumed either fruitlessly or in the de- 
struction of lives and property, yet we 
must avoid the common fallacy of re- 
garding the expenditures of the bel- 
ligerent governments as so much wealth 
lost to the world, in excess of the nor- 
mal consumption of peaceful times. In 
large part it represents a transfer of 
expenditure from individuals to the 
government. It means, for instance, that 
there are some two million young Eng- 
lishmen in France supported by the 



government who formerly had to "sup- 
port themselves." Most of them are be- 
ing supported more expensively than 
ever before and in so far as this means 
better food, clothing and sanitary care 
it is not to be regretted. Altho they are 
from an economic standpoint to be con- 
sidered as idle, yet this also is not an 
unprecedented strain upon the commu- 
nity. In 1908, according to Kier Hardie, 
labor member of Parliament, there 
were 2,250,000 men out of work in Eng- 
land and Scotland, three-fourths of 
them skilled artizans. Now there are 
more people working and they are work- 
ing harder than ever before. Unemploy- 
ment is wiped out and wages in some 
industries more than doubled. The cost 
of living has risen but not so much as 
the wage rate. The poorer classes are 
spending money more lavishly than for- 
merly. Imitation jewelry is in great 
demand and all sorts of cheap amuse- 
ments are extensively patronized. The 
consumption of alcoholic liquor in the 
United Kingdom has risen to the un- 
precedented hight of $900,000,000 a 
year, a hundred million more than it 
was before the war, notwithstanding 
the fact that a large proportion of the 
men are in the army where they get 
only their ration of rum. So far it is 
chiefly the wealthy and well-to-do who 
have begun the practise of economy and 
this under compulsion, since the burden 
of increased taxation has in many cases 
cut their income in two. 




© Brown rf* Dawson 



THE NEWS FROM HOME 



TWENTY-FOUR TO FOUR 

A TRIAL BALANCE OF THE GREAT WAR AFTER THREE YEARS 
BY PRESTON SLOSSON 



August, 1917 

OF the three years of the Great 
War, that of 1916-17 has been 
most eventful. During 
the first year the im- [ 
portant campaigns included the 
German conquest of the greater 
part of Belgium and of a corner 
of France, the Battle of the 
Marne, the Russian advance in 
Galicia and East Prussia and 
the beginning of the Russian re- 
treat thru Poland. The German 
colonies were all annexed, with 
the exception of German East 
Africa, and futile attempts were 
made at Gallipoli and in Meso- 
potamia to break the military 
strength of Turkey. During the 
second year a deadlock in the 
west, and disastrous for the 
Allies elsewhere, Russia was 
expelled from Poland, Courland 
and the greater part of Ga- 
licia, and Serbia and Monte- 
negro fell before the advancing 
armies of the Central Powers. 
Italy, France and Great Brit- 
ain could accomplish nothing 
but resistance, and the only fa- 
vorable omen for the Allied 
cause was the German failure 
before Verdun. The third year 
was marked by four events of 
outstanding importance : the 
Russian revolution, the inter- 
vention of America, the aban- 
donment by Germany of a large 
part of her conquests in France, 
and the renewal of ruthless 
submarine warfare on a most menacing 
scale. Three of these events were fa- 
vorable to the cause of the Entente 
Allies, but the fourth was hailed by 
Germany as a prelude to an early vic- 
tory. The story of the third year of 
the Great War has been divided into 
individual campaigns, preceded by a 
general summary of the war consid- 
ered as a test of endurance and of the 
"staying power" of the two belligerent 
groups. 

THE TEST OF ENDURANCE 

DURING the third year of the Great 
War it became clear to every bellig- 
erent that victory would incline to that 
side which could afford to suffer long- 
est the strain which war imposed upon 
the armies and the civilian population. 
The possibility of a decisive victory in 
the field was not excluded, but the meth- 
ods of trench warfare and the facili- 
ties afforded by the aeroplane for de- 
tecting the maneuvers of the other side 
made such victories impossible except 
against an enemy whose numbers, sup- 
plies or military spirit had been seri- 
ously diminished before the battle. On 
the other hand, it was no less evident 
that economic exhaustion would not of 
itself end the war unless supported by 
vigorous military action. The Central 
Powers, cut off from trade with the 



Allied and neutral world by a three 
years' blockade, have not 
vet run short of any neces- 



chant fleet now building. With 
the other Allies the greatest 
danger is not insufficiency of 
food, but the difficulty of secur- 
ing adequate railroad transpor- 
tation. The loss of merchant 
tonnage is unknown, as the Brit- 
ish Government, which is the 
greatest sufferer from the Ger- 
man submarine activity, pub- 
lishes only statistics of the num- 
ber of vessels sunk and does not 
mention particular ships. Vari- 
ous estimates place the total de- 
struction at from 500,000 to up- 
ward of 1,000,000 tons a month. 
Probably six or seven hundred 
thousand is about correct. 

THE belligerent nations are 
enduring the financial drain 
on their resources even more 
successfully than the economic 
effect of the naval blockades. 
The great loans which are year- 
ly floated are still as a rule 
oversubscribed within a few 
weeks of their issue, and the 
crushing burden of war taxa- 
tion is still willingly borne by 
the taxpayers. The warring na- 
tions have not even resorted to 
the reckless printing of unre- 
deemable paper money which in 
previous great wars has been 
the usual expedient of govern- 
ments in financial distress. Of 
course the economic strain is 
not unfelt. Quite apart from 
the heavy taxes; the steady in- 
sity of war. The German counter- crease in prices, the growing scarcity 
blockade of the Allies has so disap- of capital for industrial enterprizes and 
pointed the hopes of the German peo- the rising rates of interest bring home 
pie that its relative failure is consid- the huge cost of the war to the public. 
ered chiefly responsible for the pres- Estimates differ as to the cost of the 
ent political crisis within the Empire, war, but it seems likely that the direct 
The sinking of merchant ships by sub- cost to the governments concerned for 
marines continues far more rapidly the whole three years must be placed at 
than the vessels can be replaced, but over $90,000,000,000, or an average of 
not rapidly enough to create a food considerably more than $82,000,000 a 




crisis in England this year, and by 1918 
the British hope to have a much larger 
area under cultivation and to have the 
assistance of the new American mer- 



THE COUNTRIES 


THAT HAVE BROKEN 


WITH 


GERMANY 


Belgium 


Japan 


British Empire 


Liberia 


Bolivia 


Montenegro 


Brazil 


Nicaragua 


China 


Panama 


Cuba 


Portugal 


France 


Rumania 


Greece 


Russia 


Guatemala 


San Domingo 


Hayti 


Serbia 


Honduras 


Siam 


Italy 


U. S. of America 


Names italicized are of countries 


actually at war. 



day. This estimate makes no allowance 
for the United States, which has still 
to spend the greater part of its first 
year's war budget, or for the neutral 
nations which have had to expand their 
armaments to protect their neutrality. 
As time goes on, the cost of war tends 
to increase with the larger forces put 
into the field, the growing interest on 
national loans, and the enlargement of 
munitions factories. A day's war today 
costs the world two or three times what 
it did in the autumn of 1914. The En- 
tente Allies, as might be expected from 
their greater numbers and vaster ag- 
g-regate wealth, are spending two dol- 
lars to every dollar spent by the Cen- 
tral Powers. Great Britain alone is 
spending some $35,000,000 a day, but 
this figures includes loans to her allies. 
Besides economic pressure and finan- 
cial loss there is a third element in bel- 
ligerent endurance, the loss in man 




territory held by the Allies ; 
var. The white parts of tho 



AUTOCRACY DEFIES THE WORLD 
The black portion of this map shows the territory now dominated by the Central Powers. The line-shading indicates 
and the dotted countries are those which have severed diplomatic relations with Germany, but are not actually at 

map indicate all that is left of neutrality 

power. This is not a mere question of ing among the Entente Allies is fully oning the French contingent at Salon 
population, for it is doubtful if the two-thirds greater than the losses ica, seems to have reached her maxi- 
popu'ation' of any of the larger bellig- of the Central Powers. Russia has mum military strength; but England 



lost the most heavily, both in cas- 
ualties on the field and in number 
of prisoners taken; Germany and 
France come next in respect to casual- 
ties, the German losses probably some- 
what the greater, but neither nas had 
hardships of incessant trench warfare, so many prisoners captured by the 
Moreover the battle lines are stretched enemy as Austria-Hungary, whose cas- 

over so many hundreds of miles that ualties have been comparatively light, keeping largo reserves behind the bat- 
either side can compel a general re- France, with about two and a half mil- tie line to reinforce each new German 
treat if it can so reduce the number of lion men on the western front, not reck- offensive or ward off each new hostile 
enemy effectives as to pre- 



erent nations, with the possible excep- 
tion of France, can show an absolute 
decrease during the last three years. 
But in this war the cost in lives falls 
almost wholly upon the physically fit 
young men, who alone can endure the 



still has many hundreds of thousands 
of men in training; Italy has employed 
only a part of her military effectives, 
and the United States and Russia are 
practically inexhaustible sources of man 
power, provided that these nations can 
solve the difficulties of transport and 
supply. Germany and her allies are still 



vent the sending of re- 
serves to strengthen any 
part of the line which may 
be selected for attack. The 
number of killed can only 
be guessed at, but it seems 
to be somewhere near the 
five million mark. A much 
smaller number, perhaps 
only one and a half mil- 
lion, have been so serious- 
ly wounded as to be use- 
less thereafter at or be- 
hind the front. The total 
numbar of wounded is 
about three times as great 
as the number killed, but 
the majority of those who 
survive recover sufficiently 
under the excellent care 
afforded by modern mili- 
tary hospitals to see serv- 
ice again in the trenches, 
and many others can be 
used to replace uninjured 
men in civil employment 
and so release them for 
the trenches. The death 
list from disease is nota- 
bly small in the present 
war and can be considered 
important only in the 
Balkan and Turkish cam- 
paigns. The number of 
killed, wounded and miss- 




FOR PURPOSES OF COMPARISON 
In this chart showing the territory and population of the belligerents each 
dot stands for five million people and the size of the circles indicates the 
total territory now in possession of the countries named without consid- 
ering the gains or losses in Europe during the war. The Central Powers 
are shaded. The Allied Powers have about thirty times the territory and 
more than six times the population as well as the advantage of being 
able to draw supplies from the outside world 



attack. It is apparent that 
if the war is to be decided 
by the number of casual- 
ties alone, many months of 
battle lie ahead of us and 
the final blow may be 
struck by the American 
army when it is increased 
to the proportions of the 
gigantic military estab- 
lishments of continental 
Europe. 
THE ALLIED OFFENSIVE IN 

THE WEST 
July 1, 1916 — Somme valley of- 
fensive started. 
July 26. 1916 — British occupy 

Pozieres. 
September 4. 1916 — French cap- 

ture Soyecourt. 
September 26. 1916 — Combles and 

Thiepval taken by Allies. 
October 24. 1916 — French regain 

lost ground before Verdun. 
November 13, 1916 — British open 

offensive on the Ancre. 
March 17, 1917— Baupaume cap- 
tured: beginning of general 
German retreat. 
April 9. 1917 — Canadians storm 
Vimy ridge near Arras. 

The entrenched war 
frontier which extends 
from the Swiss boundary 
to the ocean has for 
nearly three years been 
the scene of the greatest, 
bloodiest and longest con- 
tinuous military action in 
human history. Until the 
summer of 1916 neither 



side, in spite of many costly experi- 
ments, was able to advance its position 
sufficiently to gain any strategic ad- 
vantage, but not a day passed without 
either assault or cannonade on some 
part of the long line. The "battle" 
of the Aisne became a "campaign" 
and finally a "siege"; the trenches 
were elaborated from mere ditches 
into fortifications and winter encamp- 
ments; the superiority in numbers 
and munitionment passed from the 
hands of the Germans to the Allies, 
but all these changes made no change 
in the war map. The spring drive 
planned by the French and British was 
postponed till July because of the ear- 
lier German assault on the fortified city 
of Verdun, which required all the re- 
sources of the western Allies to repel. 

During the first two weeks of July 
the British and French acting in con- 
cert had forced back the German line 
on both sides of the Somme for an 
average distance of nearly four miles, 
but their progress was much slower 
after the Germans rallied their reserves 
to halt the advance. The Allies strove 
not only to push the German line far- 
ther to the rear but to widen the zone 
of battle as well. To effect this purpose, 
the British hammered constantly at the 
German entrenchments around Thiep- 
val in the valley of the Ancre, while the 
French bent the German line south and 
east near Soyecourt. But in spite of 
every effort winter found the British 
and French still short of the two towns, 
Bapaume and Peronne, which had been 
the objectives of the advance along the 
Somme. During the campaign in the 
Ancre valley the British introduced for 
the first time the use of "tanks," or 
armored automobiles carried on cater- 
pillar tractors. 

In the spring of 1917 the German 
military authorities decided that they 
could no longer afford to maintain their 
old positions in the face of another 
Allied drive. With skill and secrecy the 
German forces were withdrawn to a 
shorter and better located line of en- 
trenchments running just west of St. 
Quentin, La Fere and Laon. While re- 
treating the Germans so thoroly devas- 
tated the country that the Allies could 
not for many days occupy all the posi- 



SOME OF THE PROMINENT MEN 
DISPLACED DURING THE WAR 

M0NARCHS 

Pope Pius X (died) 

Francis Joseph of Austria-Hungary 

(died) 
Carol I of Rumania (died) 
President Yuan Shih-Kai of China 

(died) 
Nicholas II of Russia (deposed) 
Constantine of Greece (deposed) 
Emperor Hsuan-Tung of China (de- 
posed) 
Albert of Belgium (in exile) 
Peter of Serbia (in exile) 
Nicholas of Montenegro (in exile) 
Wilhelm of Albania (in exile) 

STATESMEN 

Premier Asquith of Great Britain. 

Chancellor von Bethmann-IIollweg of 
Germany 

Premier Briand of France 

Premier Yiviani of France 

Premier Stiirgkh of Austria (assas- 
sinated) 

Premier Tisza of Hungary 

Premier Gorcmykin of Russia 

Premier Stiirmer of Russia 

Premier Trepoff of Russia 

Premier Lvoff of Russia 

Foreign Minister Grey of Great Bri- 
tain 

Foreign Minister von Jagoiv of Ger- 
many 

Foreign Minister Ziinmevmann of Ger- 
many 

Foreign Minister Sazonoff of Russia 

Secretary of State Bryan of the United 
States 
I Minister of War Kitchener of Great 
Britain (died) 

GENERALS 

Marshal Joffre of France 
General Nivelle of France 
General French of Great Britain 
General von Moltke of Germany 
General von Kluck of Germany 
General Rennenkanipf of Russia 
Grand Duke Nicholas of Russia 



tions which had been abandoned and 
bring up their artillery and supplies for 
a renewal of the attack. After the Brit- 
ish and French had dug their new en- 
trenchments they repeated with some 
success their former tactics of striking 
at the points where the new German 
position joined the old. At the extreme 
south of the new German line the 
French captured Craonne, and east of 
Arras the British made a considerable 
advance and within a few days took 
more than thirty thousand prisoners. 



RUMANIA INTERVENES 

August 29 ; 1916 — Rumania declares war on Aus- 
tria. Rumanians enter Hungary. 

August 31, 1916 — Turkey and Bulgaria declare war 
on Rumania. 

October 6, 1916 — Kronstadt recaptured by Austro- 
Hungarian forces. 

October 23. 1916 — Mackensen takes Constanza. 

November 21, 1916 — Rumanians lose Craiova. 

December 6, 1916— Fall of Bucharest. 

Of all the campaigns of the past 
year the most encouraging to the Cen- 
tral Powers and the most disappoint- 
ing to the hopes of the Entente Allies 
was the four months' contest which 
ended in the elimination of the King- 
dom of Rumania from the list of active 
belligerents. Rumanian intervention had 
ever since the beginning of the Great 
War been one of the main objects of 
diplomacy. The fact that the Rumanians 
of Transylvania had many grievances 
against their Hungarian rulers and the 
encouraging example of the Russian 
successes in Galicia induced Rumania 
to join the Entente Allies and begin an 
immediate invasion of Transylvania. 
The armies of Austria-Hungary were 
already hard pressed on the Galician, 
Italian and Balkan fronts, and it was 
expected that the intervention of Ru- 
mania, which was said to have the 
largest and best army in southeastern 
Europe, would decide the fate of the 
Hapsburg monarchy. By the end of Au- 
gust the Rumanians had overrun a 
large part of Transylvania and taken 
the important city of Kronstadt. 

But at the same time that the Ru- 
manians were spreading their conquests 
westward a combined force of Germans, 
Bulgarians and Turks entered the 
Dobrudja, a coast land lying between 
the Danube and the Black Sea, and 
prest northward until they had taken 
the railroad line which reaches the sea 
at Constanza. To meet this new peril, 
the Rumanians had to withdraw their 
army of invasion from Transylvania 
and they were soon confronted by a 
double attack; General von Mackensen 
pushing swiftly thru the Dobrudja and 
General von Falkenhayn leading a 
counter-invasion from the west. Caught 
between these two armies, the Ruman- 
ians only saved their army by abandon- 
ing their capital and the whole southern 
half of their country. Russia sent aid, 
but for some unexplained reason the 
Russian forces arrived too tardily to 




(c' llioiat it b:iws<»i 



"IF YOU WANT TO WIN YOUR BATTLES, TAKE AN' WORK YOUR BLOOMIN' GUNS" 



save the situation. Rumania still holds 
out against its foes in the northern 
province of Moldavia, but the rich agri- 
cultural region of Wallachia, "a land 
of corn and oil," is now supplying the 
Central Powers with the grain neces- 
sary to forestall a famine and the pe- 
troleum necessary for motor traction. 

THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION 
November 21, 1916 — Sturmer resigns Russian pre- 

miership. 
March 11, 1917 — Czar declares Duma adjourned. 
March 12, 1917 — Duma declares Czar deposed. 
March 15. 1317 — Czar abdicates throne. 

It is a common saying that the Cri- 
mean War freed the serfs, the Japan- 
ese War created the Duma, and the 
Great War overthrew the Romanoff dy- 
nasty. In each instance the test of war 
showed as nothing else could do how 
autocratic rule had demoralized the 
civil government and impaired the effi- 
ciency of the army and so lent weight 
to the demand for reforms. The first 
great Russian offensive, which had 
swept forward to Konigsberg and Cra- 
cow, ended in the loss of all Russian 
Poland and Courland. The second Rus- 
sian offensive soon came to a standstill 
while Rumania was overrun and the 
promised aid from Russia did not ar- 
rive. The transportation system of the 
country became so badly entangled that 
munitions could not reach the trenches 
or foodstuffs reach the cities. Added to 
all this notorious inefficiency was the 
rumor of treason; the pacifistic Czar 
and the pro-German court were gener- 
ally believed, it is impossible to say how 
justly, to have negotiated a separate 
peace. Popular anger sometimes found 
vent, as in the assassination of the re- 
actionary court favorite Rasputin and 
in the forced resignation of Premier 
Sturmer, but the Czar and his advisers 
refused to concede anything to popular 
clamor and finally ordered the adjourn- 
ment of the Duma. 



60 
















1 
























50 

40 
30 
20 
10 














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4 11 18 25 J 8 15 2229 6 13 2 27 3 H>17 2* 1 » 15 
Mar-' '—Apr — "-May— ' ^June— "-July- 1 



TWENTY WEEKS OF THE SUBMARINE 

This line indicates the number of British ships 

sunk during the weeks ending on the dates 

mentioned 

The attempt to dismiss the Duma 
came at a crisis in the food situation. 
Hunger riots broke out in Petrograd 
which the troops refused to suppress. 
The Duma declared itself the provi- 
sional government, and the Czar 
promptly resigned the throne to his 
brother, the Grand Duke Michael. But 
the Grand Duke Michael refused to be- 
come Czar unless a popular plebiscite 
declared him Russia's choice, and so 
the provisional government remained 
republican in form. The new govern- 
ment imprisoned the Czar and his reac- 
tionary advisers, restored the national 
liberties of Finland, abolished the legal 
discriminations against the Jews, re- 
formed the harsh discipline in the 
army, freed all the political prisoners 
in Siberia, and called into consultation 
a Council of Workmen's and Soldiers' 
Delegates. The army not only support- 
ed this sweeping program of reform, 
but showed a disposition to carry the 



revolution farther than the Duma de- 
sired, and, until the Socialist deputy 
Kerensky became Minister of War, 
there was real danger that military 
discipline would wholly disappear. Even 
the inspiration of early victories did 
not prevent some regiments from de- 
serting ther duty when the Germans 
began their counter-attack. The prog- 
ress of the war was further hampered 
by the tendency of some parts of Rus- 
sia, notably Finland and the Ukraine 
(Little Russia), to proclaim their vir- 
tual independence from effective con- 
trol by the Petrograd government. 

THE THIRD RUSSIAN OFFENSIVE 

September 8, 1916 — Brusiloff halts at Halicz; cul- 
mination of second Russian offensive. 

July 1, 1917 — Russians take Koniuchy; beginning 
of third offensive. 

July 10, 1917— Russians occupy Halicz. 

July 19. 1917 — Germans begin counter-attack. 

After General Brusiloff's advance in 
Galicia had been checked by the com- 
bined armies of Germany and Austria- 
Hungary, the battle line of eastern 
Europe from Riga to the Carpathians 
remained unaltered and almost quies- 
cent until the following July. The win- 
ter weather would in any case have 
checked military operations, but it is 
certain that the Russians could not 
have made a very vigorous drive even 
if the weather had been favorable, 
since they had largely exhausted the 
store of ammunition with which they 
began the campaign and were also 
hampered by the disloyalty and incom- 
petence of the civil administration. Af- 
ter the deposition of the Czar the Rus- 
sian revolutionists were divided into 
two parties on the question of prose- 
cuting the war; some favoring a war 
to the end against German autocracy 
and others a speedy peace "without an- 
nexations or indemnities." While the 
Duma and the Council of Workmen's 
and Soldiers' Delegates debated the is- 




THE TEETH OF THE BRITISH LION 




STAR BOMBS ON THE WESTERN FRONT 



sues of peace and war, the soldiers 
fraternized with their German foes in 
the trenches, and Germany refrained 
from breaking- the informal truce in the 
hope of persuading the Russians to 
make a separate peace. 

On the first day of July the Russian 
army under General Brusiloff and War 
Minister Kerensky, the Russian "organ- 
izer of victory," began its advance on 
Lemberg. Koniuchy and Halicz soon 
fell into their hands and thousands of 



prisoners were captured. Several Czech 
regiments deserted bodily to the Rus- 
sians at the first opportunity. Pressing 
their advantage, the Russian army 
made an immense forward sweep south 
of the Dniester as far as the Lomnica 
River. But the time consumed in these 
operations enabled the Germans to 
shift their reserves to the eastern front 
and block the Russian advance with 
fresh troops. Directly east of Lemberg 
they struck the Russian line and, aided 



by the treason of one of the regiments 
confronting them, they drove back the 
Russians on a wide front. Fearing the 
total collapse of the Russian defense 
and the loss of all the fruits of the rev- 
olution, the Council of Workmen's and 
Soldiers' Delegates approved the choic- 
of War Minister Kerensky as Premier, 
and clothed him with all the powers of 
a dictator. The German drive not only 
wiped out the gains made by the third 
Russian offensive but reconquered most 



(3) 







■~<SC • -^ - - v— - , - 



-^^S 



Underwood & Underwood 

of the territory won by General Brusi- 
loff during the 1916 campaign. 

THE ITALIAN CAMPAIGN 
August 9, 1916 — Italians take Gorizia. 
August 27, 1916 — Italy declares war on Germany. 
May 12. 1917 — Italians make new drive on the 
Carso. 

The campaign in the mountains of 
the Austrian border may be summed 
up by saying that the Austrians have 
accomplished nothing and the Italians 
very little. This does not mean that the 
struggle has been less persistent in this 
theater of war than in any other; 
fighting has been almost incessant and 
the losses on both sides heavy. But the 
difficulties of highland warfare have 
barred the Italians from their goal of 
Trieste, and in the Trentino the oppos- 
ing armies appear to be practically 
deadlocked. The Italians have suc- 
ceeded, however, in taking Gorizia, in 
occupying the whole Isonzo valley to 
the south of this city, and in advancing 
their trenches on the Carso plateau. 

It must be remembered in recording 
the slow progress of the Italian army 
against Austria that during the past 
year Italy has diverted many soldiers 
to join the Allies in Macedonia. The 
Italians have taken an active part in 
Grecian affairs, established a protector- 
ate in Albania and undertaken to a 
great extent the policing of the Med- 
iterranean and the Adriatic. The Ital- 
ian commission in the United States re- 
ported a great development of muni- 
tions manufacture. 

THE WAR IN THE BALKANS 
August 16. 1916 — French take positions on the 

Serbian border. 
August 27. 1916 — Bulgarians occupy Kavala. 
September 27. 1916 — Venizelos begins revolutionary 

movement in Crete. 
October 11. 1916 — Allies take over Greek fleet. 
November 19, 1916 — Monastir reoccupied. 
June 12, 1917 — King Constantino deposed. 

Altho Greece and Albania were neu- 
tral countries, they were the theater of 
the principal campaign in the Balkans 
after the withdrawal of the British ex- 
pedition against Gallipoli and the con- 
quest of Serbia and Montenegro by the 
Central Powers. The object of the En- 
tente Allies was to regain Serbia and 
Montenegro and thus sever Bulgaria 



TOMMIES IN TRAINING 

and Turkey from Germany and Aus- 
tria-Hungary. To effect this purpose 
they occupied the Greek city of Salon- 
ica and gathered there one of the most 
heterogeneous armies that the world 
has ever seen. Nearly all of the Allies 
had contingents on the Salonica front, 
but the bulk of the army was English, 
French, Italian and Serbian. During 
the summer and autumn of 1916 the 
Allies fought their way to the northern 
boundary of Greece and the central 
part of Albania and at last captured 
the important city of Monastir on the 
Serbian side of the frontier. In the 
meantime the Bulgarians occupied the 
city of Kavala in the extreme north- 
eastern corner of Greece and expelled 
the Greek garrison. On the whole, the 
Salonica campaign was a disappoint- 
ment, since the measure of success it 
achieved was not proportionate to the 
size of the army which was withdrawn 
from other fronts in the expectation of 
important victories in the Balkan the- 
ater of war. Italy has declared a pro- 
tectorate over Albania and effectively 
occupied the southern and western 
parts of the country. 

While Greece was furnishing a bat- 
tleground for the contending powers, it 
was also torn by civil war. The parti- 
zans of the Cretan statesman Venizelos 
fought on the side of the Allies at 
every opportunity in spite of the offi- 
cial neutrality of King Constantine and 
his secretly pro-German sympathies. In 
order to revent the Greek King from 
extending aid to the Central Powers, 
the Allies acted in the most arbitrary 
fashion, commandeering ships, blocking 
ports, occupying garrison towns, sup- 
porting the Venizelos revolution, and 
finally deposing King Constantine in 
favor of his son Alexander. When King 
Alexander ascended the throne he made 
Venizelos again premier and broke off 
diplomatic relations with the Central 
Powers. 

THE TURKISH CAMPAIGN 
February 26. 1917— British take Kut-el-Amara 
March 6, 1917 — British reach southern boundary of 

Palestine. 
March 11, 1917— Bagdad falls. 



The vast outlying territories of Asi- 
atic Turkey are the weakest part of 
the military system of the Central 
Powers. They are the farthest from 
Prussia, the heart and soul of the alli- 
ance, of all the lands dominated by 
German arms; they are miserably de- 
fective in the means of rapid trans- 
formation, and with few exceptions 
their inhabitants are disloyal to their 
Ottoman rulers. It is then small 
cause for wonder that much of this re- 
gion has fallen into the hands of the 
Allied nations. Rather should we be 
surprized that the Russians and the 
British have not been able to penetrate 
yet farther into the interior of the 
Turkish domains. 

The British have accomplished ra- 
ther more. They retrieved their defeat 
of the previous year at Kut-el-Amara 
by recapturing the city and continuing 
their advance thru Mesopotamia to 
Bagdad. In the west they repulsed 
a Turkish demonstration against the 
Suez Canal and organized a counter- 
offensive which followed the historic 
route of Moses and the Children of Is- 
rael from Egypt to the borders of Pal- 
estine. Like Moses, however, they seem 
to be fated to behold the Holy Land 
without being able to occupy it. The 
Arabs have fallen away from Turkish 
rule altogether and have organized the 
independent Kingdom of Hejaz under 
the protection of the British. 

On the first day of 1917 the Turkish 
Government, with German sanction it 
may be supposed, repudiated all treat- 
ies and agreements with Christian pow- 
ers by which the Ottoman Empire was 
subject to the supervision of the "con- 
cert of Europe." This action places 
Turkey on an equal diplomatic footing 
with other members of the society of 
nations and is probably the only gain 
that the Ottomans can expect from the 
war even in the case of a German tri- 
umph. If the Entente Allies win the 
war they are pledged to the liberation 
of the non-Turkish peoples of the Otto- 



man Empire, which would confine the 
Turkish dominions to Asia Minor and 
place under some new rule Arabia, 
Mesopotamia, Syria, Palestine, Arme- 
nia and Turkey in Europe. Fear of this 
possibility has tempted the Turkish rul- 
ers to countenance horrible massacres 
of Armenians, Syrians, Jews and 
Greeks. 

PEACE NEGOTIATIONS 

December 12, 1916 — German Chancellor makes 
peace overture. 

December 18, 1916 — Wilson requests statement of 
peace terms from belligerents. 

January 10, 1917 — Entente Allies state peace 
terms in joint reply to President Wilson. 

January 13. 1917 — Germans reply to declaration 
of Allies but refuse to state terms. Balfour 
makes separate statement on the Turkish 
question. 

January 22, 1917 — Wilson addresses Senate on 
"peace without victory." 

July 19, 1917 — Chancellor Michaelis defines Ger- 
man position. 

For more than two and a half years 
the warring armies of Europe fought 
without knowing what measure of 
achievement would be considered a "vic- 
tory" by the governments whose inter- 
ests they served. Any number of infor- 
mal and unofficial peace programs were 
set forth in the public press of Eng- 
land, Germany, France and other coun- 
tries, but the statesmen who alone 
could speak with authority confined 
themselves to generalities which might 
serve to arouse but never to satisfy 
speculation. In December. 1916, the 
German Government offered to discuss 
peace with the Entente Allies, and 
President Wilson suggested to both 
groups of belligerents that the time 
had come for an interchange of views 



and that if terms of peace were formu- 
lated the aims of the two hostile 
groups of nations might not be found to 
differ so greatly as had been supposed. 
The Entente Allies refused to entertain 
the German suggestion of a peace con- 
ference, but they agreed upon a joint 
reply to President Wilson in which they 
stated the objects for which they were 
continuing the war. 

The Allies' demands comprized the 
abandonment by the Central Powers of 
all their conquests during the present 
war with indemnities to the invaded na- 
tions; the restoration of "provinces or 
territories wrested in the past from the 
Allies"; the liberation of Italians, of 
Slavs, of Rumanians, and of Czecho- 
slovaks"; the "enfranchisement of pop- 
ulations subject to the bloody tyranny 
of the Turks"; the reunion of Poland, 
and the expulsion of the Ottoman Em- 
pire from Europe. These terms appar- 
ently still stand as the peace platform 
of the Allied nations and to them must 
be added the surrender of German 
overseas colonies which, altho not men- 
tioned in the note, seems to be demand- 
ed by public opinion in Japan, South 
Africa and Australia. 

On January 22 President Wilson ad- 
drest the American Senate and out- 
lined his views of the basis of a just 
peace. He believed that peace should 
come by common consent, not by vic- 
tory; that the rights of nationalities to 
self-government should receive recog- 
nition; that the freedom of the seas 



should be guaranteed and every nation 
given free commercial access to the sea, 
and that all nations should unite into 
a league for their common security. 
These suggestions were at the time un- 
favorably received by both sides, altho 
they have found a reflection in the 
formula of "peace without annexation 
or indemnities" adopted by the Council 
of Russian Workmen and Soldiers 
Delegates after the revolution and by 
the Social Democratic Party in Ger- 
many. By a coalition with members of 
the Center (Clerical) and the Radical 
parties the Socialists secured from the 
Reichstag a declaration which, in gen- 
eral terms, affirmed the idea of an 
early peace based on the map of 1914 
and repudiated all suggestions of an 
economic "war after the war." Because 
the Reichstag delayed the vote on the 
war credits, the Kaiser was forced to 
remove from office Chancellor von 
Bethmann-Hollweg, who had held office 
thruout the war. The new Chancellor, 
Georg Michaelis, refused to promise the 
introduction of parliamentary govern- 
ment or to make any definite offer of 
peace. 

THE AMERICAN INTERVENTION 

January 31, 1917 — Germany declares new barred 
zone in European waters and inaugurates ruth- 
less submarine campaign. 

February 3, 1917 — Ambassador Bernstorff dismissed 
from Washington. 

February 26, 1917 — President asks Congress for 
authority to protect merchant ships. 

March 4. 1917 — Congress adjourns without taking 
action. 

April 2, 1917 — President asks Congress for a 
declaration of war against Germany. 

April 4, 1917 — Senate declares war. 









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Drawn by G. Bron for the London Sphere © New York Herald 

HOW TO TAKE THE GERMAN TRENCHES 

This diagrammatic view of British soldiers attacking under cover of barrage fire shows four stages of the advance, tho of course in actual attack 
it is uninterrupted, the men following just after the "monstrous moving carapace of metal." As a British soldier describes it: "As soon as our 
men left the trenches our gunners laid down a barrage in front of them and made a moving wall of sheik ahead of them, a frightful thing to 
follow, but the safest. It was a wonderfully scientific barrage that dropt in front of the advancing English battalion ; it curtained the ground 
we were sweeping over, and it countered the waiting German batteries beyond the ridge" 



April 6, 1917 — House of Representatives declares 

April 8, 1917 — Austria-Hungary breaks off diplo- 
matic relations with the United States. 

April 22, 1917 — British and French war missions 
arrive in America. 

The German reply to the peace 
overtures of the United States came as 
a shock to the American public, which 
had believed that peace in Europe was 
near and that in any case the danger 
that the war would spread to this side 
of the Atlantic was safely past. More 
than once had the German submarine 
warfare against neutral and enemy 
merchant ships strained diplomatic re- 
lations to the breaking point, but when, 
in May, 1916, Germany pledged not to 
sink passenger ships without warning, 
this promise, altho conditioned on the 
eventual modification of the British 
blockade and violated in certain indi- 
vidual instances, was relied upon to 
enable us to keep out of the war. The 
Federal Government was better in- 
formed than the nation at large and 
the repeated and zealous efforts which 
it made to end the war were partly 
inspired by a well-justified belief that 
if the war continued much longer Ger- 
many would renew her submarine cam- 
paign. On the last day of January the 
German Government announced the es- 
tablishment of a barred zone in the 
North Sea, the Mediterranean and the 
northeastern Atlantic thru which no 
ships whatever would be permitted to 
pass in safety. 

President Wilson at once dismissed 
the German Ambassador and refused 
to renew diplomatic relations with the 
German Government. His attempted 
compromize between peace and war, 
"armed neutrality," was frustrated by 
the obstinacy of a little group of Sen- 
ators who in the closing hours of the 
session talked to death the bill author- 
izing the arming of merchantmen. 
When Germany followed the proclama- 
tion of ruthless submarine warfare by 
overt acts against American lives and 
American ships, President Wilson re- 
quested from the new Congress the 



authority to make war. The Senate by 
a vote of 82 to 6 and the House of 
Representatives by a majority of 373 
to 50 approved the declaration of war. 
The action of the United States was 
soon followed by Cuba's declaration of 
war and by the severance of diplomatic 
relations between Germany and Brazil, 
Bolivia, Hayti, San Domingo, Panama, 
Guatemala, Nicaragua and Honduras. 
All the other nations of South and 
Central America, in one way or an- 
other, showed strong sympathy with 
the American cause and only in Mexico 
was there any possibility of action in 
the interests of Germany. 

The German Government knew, and 
even overestimated, the strength of 
Mexican resentment against "the Co- 
lossus of the North," as Latin-American 
writers sometimes call the United 
States, and the German Foreign Sec- 
retary, Alfred Zimmermann, counted on 
the support of Mexico in a war with 
the United States. He offered the Mex- 
ican Government Texas, New Mexico 
and Arizona as the spoils of victory 
and further suggested that Mexico 
detach Japan from the Entente Allies 
by timely mediation. But the note con- 
taining this suggestion was intercepted 
and its publication had much to do with 
converting the American public to a 
belief in the necessity of war. 

OUR PART IN THE GREAT WAR 
June 5, 1917 — Ten million men registered for 

military service. 
June 15, 1917 — Liberty loan oversubscribed. 
June 26, 1917 — American army contingent reaches 

a French port. 

When the German Government re- 
sumed its policy of unrestricted sub- 
marine warfare it reckoned with the 
possibility of American intervention 
but did not consider that it would 
seriously diminish the chances of vic- 
tory. Indeed it was freely predicted 
that the United States would be more 
of a help to the Entente Allies as a 
neutral than as a belligerent, because 
the war might be ended before this 
country could raise and equip a large 



army and in the meantime the effort to 
do so would curtail our export of war 
munitions upon which England, France 
and Italy largely relied. This was, per- 
haps, the most serious miscalculation 
that Germany made during the course 
of the entire war. 

Congress promptly authorized the 
Government to borrow $7,000,000,000 
foi the prosecution of the war and to 
loan a large part of this sum to the 
Entente Allies. The first $2,000,000,000 
"Liberty Loan" was oversubscribed by 
about fifty per cent within a few weeks 
of the opening of subscriptions. The 
President appointed Mr. Hoover, the 
man who saved Belgium from starva- 
tion, as food administrator and laid 
before Congress a far-reaching plan of 
food conservation. To frustrate the sub- 
marine blockade the Administration 
undertook the building of a great mer- 
chant fleet of steel and wooden ships 
and placed the work under General 
Goethals, the builder of the Panama 
Canal. A war mission under Mr. Root 
was sent to Russia to reorganize the 
transportation system of that country 
and to assure the people that we would 
not desert the task we had set ourselves 
until it was accomplished. 

Not content with throwing the finan- 
cial, industrial and agricultural re- 
sources of the nation into the war, the 
United States began, without delay, to 
create an army for European service. 
The men of the country, from twenty- 
one to thirty years of age inclusive, 
were enrolled as a body from which as 
many soldiers as were necessary could 
be drafted. While arrangements for the 
draft were being completed, a part of 
the regular army under General Per- 
shing was conveyed to France and 
volunteers were enlisted in the regular 
army and the National Guard to bring 
these organizations up to full war 
strength. The National Guard was 
transferred from state to Federal con- 
trol and consolidated with the rest of 
the army. 



IN THE FOURTH YEAR OF THE WAR 



August 14, 1917 — China declares war against 
Germany and Austria-Hungary. 

August 15 — Pope sends out appeal for peace. 

August 20 — Italians make big advance along 
Isonzo river. 

August 26 — Kerensky opens Moscow conference. 

August 27 — President Wilson answers Pope's 
peace plea, 

September 3— Germans take Riga. 

September (J — House of Representatives passes 
$11,500,000,000 war bond bill. 

September 8 — Austrians halt Italian drive. 

September 12 — Kerensky assumes command of 
Russian army. Argentina dismisses German 
Ambassador, Karl von Luxburg. 

September 16 — Kerensky proclaims Russian re- 
public. 

September 20 — British gain near Ypres. 

September 28 — Russian Democratic Congress 
opens sessions. 

September 30 — British defeat Turkish army in 
Mesopotamia. 

October 2 — Great Britain declares embargo on 
exports to Holland and Scandinavia. 

October 5 — Russian cabinet reorganized. Peru- 
vian Congress votes to break with Germany. 

October 6 — Uruguay breaks with Germany. 

October 10 — President Wilson proclaims food 
licensing system. 

October 17 — American transport "Antilles" 
sunk on home voyage. 

October 21 — Austrians and Germans attack 
north of Gorizia; Italians forced to with- 
draw from practically all territory taken 
during summer campaign. 



October 26 — Brazil declares war on Germany. 

October 27 — Second Liberty Loan oversubscribed. 
American soldiers reported in trenches for 
first time. 

October 28 — Austro-German forces take Gorizia 
and Cividale. Italians retreat to Udine. 

October 30 — Hertling succeeds Michaelis as Ger- 
man Chancellor. 

November 1 — German advance egainst Italy 
continues ; Italians retreat across Taglia- 
mento river. British occupy Beersheba in 
Palestina, 

November 2 — Germans retreat north of the 
Aisne. 

November 4 — Temporary Polish cabinet takes 
office. 

November 7 — Bolsheviki riots in Petrograd. 

November 8 — Kerensky flees from Petrograd. 
Austro-German army strikes Italian line at 
the Livenza river. 

November 9 — Russian revolutionary movement 
spreads to Moscow. General Diaz succeeds 
General Cadorna as head of Italian army. 

November 12 — Lowest week's record of sub- 
marine destruction, six British ships sunk. 

November 13 — French cabinet resigns. Germans 
drive Italians across Piave river. 

November 15 — Georges Clemenceau appointed 
new French premier. 

November 16 — Bolsheviki bombard Moscow. 

November 17 — British and German cruisers en- 
gage in gun duel near Heligoland. 



November IS— Turks retreat from Jaffa. Cos- 
sack army blockades Petrograd. 

November 24 — Secret Russian treaties published. 

November 27 — Italians repulse attacks in upper 
Brenta valley. 

November 28 — Armistice negotiations begun with 
Germany by Bolsheviki. 

November 29 — Lord Lansdowne urges peace ne- 
gotiations. 

December 1 — Germans repulsed at Cambrai. 

December 2 — Bolsheviki make armistice agree- 
ment with Germany, releasing German 
troops on Russian front for service else- 
where. 

December 7 — United States declares war again ;t 
Austria-Hungary. 

December 8 — United States destroyer "Jacob 
Jones" reported sunk. 

December 10 — British capture Jerusalem. 

December 16 — Bolsheviki make truce with Ger- 
many. 

December 17 — Gei-man destroyers raid British 
convoy, sinking eleven vessels. United 
States House of Representatives and Senate 
vote for national prohibition. 

December 20 — German "Christmas peace" offer 
published. 

December 22 — Peace conference at BresULitovsk 
between Bolsheviki and Germans. 

December 27 — President Wilson appoints Secre- 
tary McAdoo director-general of all rail- 
roads in the United States. 



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THE WAR IN THE AIR 



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THE DESTRUCTION OF A ZEPPELIN 



SPECTACULAR BATTLE OVER NO MAN S LAND. THE ZEPPELIN HAS BEEN STRUCK BY A SHELL FROM THE ALLIED 
AEROPLANE, WHICH IS MAKING ITS SAFE ESCAPE. TWO GERMAN OFFICERS WATCH 
THE FIGHT FROM A CAVE BEHIND THEIR LINES 




The shell-scarred battlefield of Verdun — the photograph from an aeroplane shows n, r trench lines, the redoubts (where the trenches 
are looped) and the old ivories of Douaumont, in the upper part of the photograph, where the shell-craters cover the surface 




THE RAIN OF DEATH 

Looking over a battlefield on the western front while the artillery blasts the way ahead for another Allied chari 




THE SKELETON OF A CITY 
How Verdun looked after being shelled for five months by heavy German fire for "political" and "sentimental" reasons 




Fighting in the dark — star shells from the German lines at the left and from the Belgians at the right. To the eye they 
appear as a shooting ball of fire that for a moment lights up the terrain. The camera records them as a streak of light 





Underwood & Underwood Janet M. Cummins 

Ghostly enough is this Zeppelin over darkened London A bursting star shell suddenly silhouettes a French lookout 



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© Underwood & Underwood 






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4 four-act thriller :, i/ie destruction of an observation balloon and the escape of its crew. In the first picture the French war- 
ptane has fired incendmry shells into the German balloon from which the observers have already dropt in their parachutes 
Ln the next the parachutes open; and the crew are probably safe on the ground as the balloon finally bursts into flames 




© American Press 

Defying the prince of the powers of the air in France — an aeroplane flying thru bursting shrapnel on the western front 




Photograph from London illustrated Avica 

The airship in the role of hawk. These scouts for submarines were first used to furnish eyes for the British patrol fleet 




© International Film ' 

A dirigible of our own — the aviation post at Pensacola, Florida, has been trying out this new type of war balloon 




© Underwood & L'ndcrtcood 

'Death astem! Pursuing British aeroplanes photographed from a Zeppelin raider. The white puffs are exploding bombs 








That this war must be won with wings 
has been generally accepted as an ax- 
iom, but the constmiction of the wings is 
a cosily and complex business. Every part 
must be carefully examined and tested. 
The picture beloiv shoivs a machine being 
rolled out to have its engine tried. The 
men above are constructing a frame. The 
boy on the left is stitching the linen which 
is to be stretched over wings and frame. 
On the right is the finishing touch, paint- 
ing on the emblem of the United States 





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International Film 



Corporal Hinkle's original design and directions for the Escadrille Indian head, enclosed in one of his letters home 




Kadtl & Herbert 



OUT FOR THE EARLY FLIGHT 

The men who blazed the trail for United States participation in the war — American aviators of the "Lafayette Escadrille" 




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A HYDROPLANE COMING IN 
From a French observation balloon the occupants photographed this Allied hydroplane returning to its hangar 




AN AIR SCOUT'S STRATEGIC VIEW OF BATTLESHIP MANEUVERS 




Underwood X- Underwood 



The British identification 
photograph was taken fro 



THE EYES OF THE ARMY 
arks on the tilings of this scouting plane seem to he staring straight do 



another fighting plane flying over it at a hight of several 



at the enemy trenches. This 
thousand feet ahove the ground 




"H. M. S.' SAUSAGE' -THE BRITISH NAVY IN THE AIR «-*«*-. 

Kiie-balloon S — otherwise known as "sausages"— are used all along the battle line to spot the enemy positions and to direct artillery 
tire. Ihe oustle-hhe arrangement at the end holds the balloon steady. The lower photograph shows a dirigible guarding the coast 



<4> 



WHAT A MAN MUST DO TO FLY 




"past pointing," an important test 
Try whirling round in a chair ten times in ten seconds with your 
eyes closed, and when you stop touch the director's hand. If your 
''balance" is normal you'll point past three times before you touch 





TWO LIGHTS — OR ONE .' 

7'he candle flame test for muscle balance — the apparatus duplicates 
the flame and the candidate must see the two lights just above 
each other when the bubble in the spirit level is exactly centered 



Photograph* copyright bn Paul Thompson 

DO YOU SEE THINGS AS THEY ARE? 

This vision test for depth and distance is important. Suppose you 
saw ahead a couple of enemy scouts and your own hangar — a 
lot depends on gaging tjie distances with speed and accuracy 




MUCH DEPENDS ON THE SEMI-CIRCULAR CANALS 

More necessary than "nerve" or vision are the semi-circular canals 
in your inner ear. The candidate in the chair was whirled to the 
left and told to hold his head up. It fell to the left — as it should 




International Film 

The exciting chase of an Italian tear 



WAR IN THE THIRD DIMENSION 
after an Austrian invader (on the right). The aeroplane is sentinel in the Italian 




International Film 

The Gaproni triplane established a new record in aeroplane power. It can maintain a speed of eighty miles an hour and carry over four 
thousand pounds — which may include fuel for a six hours' flight, a crew of three people, three guns and 2150 pounds of bombs 




Kadel & Herbert 

Above the battle. An airman's photograph of one of the big gas attacks in Flanders when the Allies swept forward on a six-mile front 




THE ONLY WAY 

WE MUST WIN THE WAR WITH WINGS 



BY DONALD WILHELM 



IT may be, in solemn truth, that this 
war will have to be won in the air. 
No longer can infantry advances be 
made on large scale without protec- 
tion of curtains of fire. And curtains of 
fire must be controlled from the air. It 
may be following no more than the 
irresistible and terrible logic of this 
thought, then, if we accept the report 
that the Allies have at times been 
driven out of the air, that American 
eagles — American aeroplanes — must win 
the war ; that America will have to fur- 
nish to her allies not three or four 
thousand aeroplanes but perhaps tens 
of thousands. 

Let us ponder that fact well. 

Let us note that the eyes of an army 
are in its aeroplanes, and that the day 
of speculation about the worth of the 
bird to which America gave birth is 
past. Aeroplanes have been demon- 
strated to be more important in war 
than almost any of the fifty factors 
that have wrought the tremendous 
change from three or four possible com- 
binations in war — man with club versus 
man without club, etc. — to the tremen- 
dous number of over twenty-five hun- 
dred. We Americans, quite unwittingly, 
are guilty of ingenuity that has turned 
warfare from a fight into a science and 
kept burning all these years, steadily in 
the ascendency, the damning- fever of 
arms. We have done vastly more than 
all the rest of the world put together 
to complicate war and to throw the rel- 
atively kind old man-to-man fight into 
innocuous desuetude. An American de- 
vised the ironclad, for instance. An 
American devised the revolver, and an- 
other the submarine, and another the 




A SUBMARINE DONE FOR? 

telegraph, and another the telephone, 
another perfected the device for taking 
up the recoil on the howitzer and an- 
other invented the aeroplane. And the 
result has been that, in the world of 
armament, the study of possible com- 
binations between military factors had, 
before the Great War burst into flames, 
grown apace in all the great nations 




except America — a curious spectacle 
surely: America, the younger brother, 
giving the means of destruction to the 
older nations while sitting back with 
no thought of a Great Affliction on the 
morrow. 

And now we are in the midst of the 
third year of the Great Affliction and 
there are two offspring of ours that re- 
quire attention : the submarine and the 
aeroplane. 

The submarine is our menace. 

The aeroplane is our hope. 

The aeroplane has grown, as it were, 
very rapidly to maturity. Only seven 
years ago, in the hangars at the first 
great aero meet in America, the Wright 
brothers — quiet men addicted forever 
to tinkering and adjusting their en- 
gines and planes — Glen Curtis, Claude 
Grahame- White, Ralph Johnstone, and 
others, used to sit back, smoke and 
make assertions about the use of aero- 
planes in war. These assertions, for the 
most part, read like the stuff of dreams. 

But these dreams have come to real- 
ization. 

"Give me one air scout in preference 
to a battalion of cavalry," General 
Pershing said in Mexico. And another 
officer asserted: "Cavalry now belongs 
to the auxiliaries — the infantry and the 
artillery on land and the aeroplane 
aloft constitute the fighting forces 
now." 

But perhaps some of us need proof 
of the vital part played in modern war 
by the aeroplane? 

Let us look, then, at a description of 
that part — description by a brilliant 
English aviation officer. 

Major Rees of the British Aviation 







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A UNITED STATES ARMY PLANE DIRECTING THE ADVANCE OF TROOPS 



Corps, who won the Order of distin- 
guished Merit, and also the Victoria 
Cross in service at the front and came 
wounded with the British Commission 
to America, said: 

"The first essential of aviation serv- 
ice is reconnaissance work. Perhaps 
the next essential in point of impor- 
tance is artillery work. 

"The machines used in checking artil- 
lery ranges are relatively slow. They 
have to be protected by speedy fighting 
machines. 

"A little further out we have our 
photographer machines. It is very im- 
portant indeed, from time to time, to 
make complete series of photographs of 
all enemy lines. Most of this work is 
done by squads. The machines are sent 
out in groups — photographer machines 
with guards. 

"Still further out we have reconnais- 
sance machines — some of these are out 
thirty miles or more; others are close 
to our own lines. 

"And then we have special duty ma- 
chines to drop papers, for use when 
advances are being made and com- 
munications are cut off, etc. They work 
with different parties of troops — infan- 
try or cavalry — on the grounds. If in- 
fantry run out of ammunition they 
signal up, and the aviator signals back 
to supplies. If a detachment meets a 
nest of machine guns, the aviator sends 
back word about it. This work is done 
very close to the ground. Much of the 
work, in fact, must be done close to the 
ground. Bombing, for instance. We 
know that every time we drop a bomb 
on a railway track it means eight 
hours' work for the Germans. We want 
to do more of this. We can't now — we 
can't spare the machines, for most of 
them are engaged in reconnaissance 
work, which is most necessary. Bomb- 
ing is done by squadrons, and, since one 
is hardly ever in the air at all without 
anti-aircraft gunfire breaking near, the 
casualties are high" — the casualties 
among the aviators are fourth, it is 
said officially, in point of percentage, 
in the English army. 

"Often," Major Rees went on, "you 
see machines coming back with wires 
streaming out behind them, or some 
other part just hanging to the rest, or, 
perhaps the engine has had a cylinder 
crippled. Nearly every machine is hit 
somewhere on every trip. If you look 
at the airdrome behind the lines you 
will find one-half the machines can fly, 
the other half are being repaired. If 
we can repair the machine in two days 
we do so, otherwise we send it back to 
the depot. 

"All this goes on day by day, Sundays 
and all. We start at work at 2:30 in 
the morning and continue until after 
sunset. The last patrol stays up to spot; 
the enemy flashes. In the twilight, one 
can see the flashes much easier. 

"We send over our lines every day a 
thousand machines. The average time 
is two hours a day. A machine hardly 
ever continues in service fifty hours. 
Either it is shot up or has to have new 



parts or perhaps a new engine, or per- 
haps it had to come down because it 
crippled one of its wings. Engines last 
nominally one hundred hours, but an 
engine seldom lasts that long. You can 
consider, I think, about two months to 
every machine. I don't think any aviator 
lasts more than six months. That re- 
quires a large personnel." 

ONE may see from all this the tre- 
mendous uses made of our good 
American eagle — the aeroplane! 

And the Germans are using it! 

On the European battle fronts there 
has been almost continuous fighting for 
the supremacy cf the air because each 
side knows that to win the domination 
of the air is to ride the Allies down, on 
one hand, and on the other to rule for 
the nonce all Germania. France might 
not exist today if her aviators had been 
inferior. (The French honor the aviators 
for that. Every French patriot loves 
those aviators. In France those who 
used to do homage used to bow and 
whisper "My prince!" Now they bow 
and whisper "My aviator!") Which is 
only semi-official! But it was asserted 
officially, by one of the members of the 
French mission to America that if 
Joffre had not employed the American 
Eagle on the Marne "the Huns might 
have marched into Paris." 

Says a celebrated French officer: 

"The French had only a hundred ma- 
chines when the Germans stabbed at 
Paris. The Germans had built railroads 
near the Belgian frontier so as to en- 
able them to bring a large number of 
troops in a very short time. The French 
headquarters knew this. We knew that 
the Germans were planning to invade 
Belgium, but we thought that the 
main attack would come thru Alsace, 
which — Heaven help us ! — we shall have 
back again! So only three French army 
corps were sent to Belgium, and Joffre 
hurried the rest and all reserves east- 
ward. 

"It was the French aviators that 
flew with the word that tremendous 
masses of troops were pouring thru 
Belgium. The aviators brought that 
word in time. They saved France from 
annihilation. 

"And again at the battle of the 
Somme. At Verdun the aviators had 
been saved for the Somme. That was 
right. And then, for three weeks, dur- 
ing that great battle, the Allies, as a 
result, held domination in the air. The 
result was that our artillery fire was 
conducted splendidly. 

"The German beast was blinded. The 
eyes of his artillery were out." 

NOW let us Americans consider the 
situation! Let us ascertain whether 
in this article I have written mere 
enthusiasm of a kind that in the days of 
the first aero meets in America stirred 
imagination more than anything else ! 
Let us note that we can without doubt 
send over thousands of troops, but will 
they arrive too late? Will they be 
poured down a bottomless sluice and 



poured and poured and poured! We 
can send troops, of course: but long 
before we can send enough troops to 
make perceptible changes in a battle 
line where millions of troops are en- 
gaged, we can send aeroplanes, squad- 
rons of them! We can't send them to- 
morrow, nor the next day — our long 
callousness, our long and persisting 
refusal intelligently to take a disagree- 
able situation as it is and to ward off 
the Great Offender, has its toll now. 
But we can send them soon. 

I went to a member of the Aircraft 
Board — a man high in position — one 
of those admirable American manufac- 
turers who are saving the nation in 
this emergency. I asked him flatly how 
long — how long is the essence of every- 
thing now! — it would take his organi- 
zation to get under way. "We can get 
under way at once," he said emphatic- 
ally. "If there is one thing that we 
Americans stand for it is quantity! 
For Americans, when the designing 
and the engineering work is done, out- 
put is easy. And this output will be 
swift and sure. We can get out forty 
thousand engines, twenty thousand 
planes before next spring. Give us the 
money and we can get out that many 
by next spring and increase the output 
steadily, but we can't do that if we 
don't start till months from now. We 
must start now!" 

"Then why don't you?" I demanded. 

He threw out his hands. "We haven't 
the money," he &aid. 

THERE is evidence that the Aircraft 
Board is ready for its stupendous 
task in the manner in which it has 
utilized and coordinated cooperation all 
along the line and in the manner in 
which it is providing for aviation train- 
ing. Three of nine camps appropriated 
for are rapidly being made in readiness. 
And already, waiting for them to be 
finished, in dozens of colleges the most 
alert men of the land — college athletes 
preferably — are learning the rudi- 
ments, in special concentrated courses, 
of military training, of machine gun 
handling, astronomy (aviators must 
know that, for they often have to steer 
by the stars) , of navigation, waiting 
for those camps to be got ready to 
receive them, after which camp train- 
ing they will see further training 
abroad. 

In land warfare aeroplanes are used 
in a thousand ways. England is pro- 
viding for fifteen thousand during the 
coming year — evidence enough of their 
usefulness. 

In sea warfare they are almost as 
important, altho used in numbers con- 
siderably smaller. The "America" — the 
giant seaplane that was scheduled to 
cross the Atlantic just when the war 
broke out — demonstrated some of the 
uses of the seaplane soon after it was 
set to scout work in British waters. 
Once it swooped down and crippled the 
periscope of a submarine. Twice, soon 
afterward, it saw, from its perch on 
high, submarines under water. It 



Watched, circling about, calling its 
friends the water craft, till they came 
up and "finished the job." 

Enough has been written to make 
clear — if any one longer doubts — the 
military uses of the aeroplane. It is no 
exaggeration to say that just as a man 
without a club has little chance with 
a man who has a club — about as little 
chance as a man with bow and arrow 
has against a man with a revolver — so 
it has become convincingly clear to 
those in close touch with the military 
situation abroad that an army without 
aeroplanes is, in no small degree, at the 
mercy of an army equipt with them. 
France has thousands of aeroplanes. 
England has more. We in America 
have hardly any. Yet, considering our 
infinite coast and border line, we should 
have most of all. 

But the point isn't what we should 
have — the point is what we must have 
to keep the Germans from, winning the 
war! 

And three thousand machines are 
not enoug'h! Not nearly enough. 

Week by week, however, especially 
since the foreign missions came to 
America, there has been growing in 
Washington a general conviction that 
the war can be won with aeroplanes. 
The Aero Club of America has been for 
years arguing eloquently for the devel- 
opment of our aerial resources. General 
Squier and the Signal Corps in Wash- 
ington have done wonders toward lay- 
ing out the lines that Howard Coffin, of 
the Council of National Defense, with 
the members of the committee of which 
he is chairman, is ready to utilize in 
getting together an aerial fleet. The 
council is given the task of mobilizing 
the phases of industry necessary to the 
building of 3000 planes the first year. 



It has had the cooperation of the Na- 
tional Advisory Committee for Aero- 
nautics — which has been at work for 
over two years — and the aid of not a 
few technical institutions such as Mas- 
sachusetts Institute of Technology fid 
many of the facilities of Cornell. Al- 
together, thus, important steps toward 
standardization of army-navy aero- 
planes have been taken. The thirty odd 
aeroplane manufacturers in America, 
who have been making machines of 
nearly as many models, cooperated ad- 
mirably with the National Advisory 
Committee at the beginning and are co- 
operating with the council now. More- 
over, the whole aeroplane industry is 
particularly mobile and plastic because 
it is new and enthusiastic. It is hard to 
believe, in fact, how many of the men 
engaged in it and how many technical 
men engaged primarily with other func- 
tions have given their time and efforts 
and funds toward working out army- 
navy aeroplane problems — problems of 
instruments such as those involved in 
making altimeters, drift meters, tachom- 
eters, other meters; problems of find- 
ing a substitute for the surface cloth 
heretofore imported from Ireland and 
England; problems of providing a sub- 
stitute for weather-dried spruce, the 
ideal wood for aeroplanes — a substitute 
of high specific density, even a metal, 
that can be got ready for extensive man- 
ufacture in much less time than the 
year or two years required to season 
spruce in the open air. All technical 
problems, practically, have been met 
and solved. Even engine difficulties have 
been overcome nearly altogether, and 
the engine problem is an important one. 
"The needs of the army and navy," said 
J. F. Victory, of the Advisory Commit- 
tee, in May, "are now estimated to be 



3000 machines in the first year and 
4000 or 5000 in the two succeeding 
years, on the basis of keeping 1000 ma 
chines in the air, on which basis we shall 
need two extra engines for every ma- 
chine. Engines wear out and need over- 
hauling constantly." 

These problems all are complex, but 
they are now in the background and the 
question of supplying more than 3000 
machines in the first year is coming 
more and more pertinently into the fore- 
ground. "Three thousand machines," 
said a Government official, "are not 
enough." 

Such assertions have become more 
and more prevalent and have, of course, 
had their effect on Chairman Coffin. His 
point of view is, very briefly, this: "If 
the Government wants more machines 
it simply needs to supply the money and 
say so. We'll get them!" 

And America, it is believed, is going 
to need them ! America — so the convic- 
tion is everywhere gaining strength — 
must, and can, match her eagles against 
any brood of flying machines that there 
are. We don't yll realize that we have 
got to provide ourselves with the effi- 
cient means for all possible combina- 
tions that may arise in this war; we 
must remember that the aeroplane en- 
ters as a common factor into more pos- 
sible combinations against an enemy 
than any other war factor. We can pro- 
duce aeroplanes almost without num- 
ber; and there is need of them almost 
without number. It is certain that we 
shall need many for defense; it is cer- 
tain that we shall want more and more 
for offense. They are — these Ameri- 
can eagles — characteristically American 
"birds," fit emissaries to prompt the 
boche that we are on the job. 

Washington 




(c) Underwood & Underwood 

FRENCH AVIATORS WHO WILL HELP THE AMERICAN EAGLE LEARN TO USE ITS WINGS 

These aviators, sent from France to instruct American airmen, are inspecting a New York aviation training station in company with American 

officers and aeronautic men. They are, from left to right: Lt. de Mandrot ; Henry Woodhouse, governor of the Aero Club of America; Lt. Marquisan : 

Rear Admiral Bradley A. Fiske, U. S. N. : Lt. Montriol ; Allan R. Hawley, president of the Aero Club of America ; Capt. Fitzgerald ; Lt. Ducas ; 

Lt. Rader, of the U. S. Air Service ; Lt. Mairesse ; Lt. Nasser ; and Lt. Lemaire 




THE AERIAL COAST PATROL 



BY JOHN HAYS HAMMOND, JR. 



TODAY the ocean does not sepa- 
rate us from the other conti- 
nents, but rather it joins us to 
them, forming a high road for 
invasion over which troops can move 
thirty times faster than over land. 

Our five thousand odd miles of coast 
line present a great vulnerable stretch 
of territory protected only by the ex- 
istence of a fleet now third among 
those of the powers. The distance of 
our coast line from the enemy's ter- 
ritory should not be measured as the 
breadth of the Atlantic or Pacific, for 
no nation would attempt operations 
with such extended lines of communica- 
tion. Hawaii in the Pacific or some of 
the West Indies in the Atlantic would 
form the stepping stone of the invasion. 
From these points, once secured, the 
enemy would approach our shores, 
screening the purpose of his movements 
with swift cruisers and scouts and by 
sweeping before him our scouting planes 
with battle planes accompanying the 
fleet. 

The purpose of the invader's forces 
is not to bombard our coast towns, nor 
to carry out any useless raiding ex- 
peditions, but it is to meet our fleet 
under such circumstances as are most 
favorable to him. Thanks to the coast 
defenses,' the important coastal cities 
are self-protecting and the United 
States fleet is allowed a complete mo- 
bility. It would not be long therefore 
before the opposing naval forces met to 
dispute the mastery of the seas. At this 
great moment, millions would be voted 
in Washington for the construction of 
new battleships ! 

If we should win, the war would 
probably be over; should we lose, the 
war would have just begun. The frag- 
ments of our beaten fleet would be 
driven back upon their bases, where 
they would be blockaded and muzzled 
like the Russians at Port Arthur. Once 
the seas were cleared, the enemy's 
transports would put to sea, and it is 
then that the great system of an aerial 
coastal patrol would begin to function. 



Mr. Hammond, whose father is a min- 
ing engineer and publicist of world- 
wide experience, is the inventor of a 
coast defense torpedo controlled by 
wireless energy from the shore, and 
a member of the advisory board to the 
U. S. Naval Board of Inventors. 



The operation of the aerial coastal 
patrol as planned by me in June, 1915, 
was a system to warn our land forces 
of the operations made by the enemy 
for the purpose of landing troops. 

TO meet suddenly an enemy's landing- 
operations on our coasts, it is nec- 
essary that we have forces of a specific 
character and of defensive ability to 
counter him. With the first signals from 
an aeroplane warning of landing op- 
erations at a given point, preparation 
could be made to send by railroad to 
that point special high angle fire artil- 
lery mounted on railroad trucks. This 
artillery, situated at a predetermined 
distance from the point of landing', 
would deliver great bursts of shrapnel 
over the landing- parties of the enemy. 
Supported by this fire and in direct 
vision of the landing forces, there 
should be companies of machine guns 
that have been carried to the scene of 
action, either by armored motor cars or 
specially constructed motorcycles. Each 
machine gun is supposed to be the 
equivalent in firing value of fifty rifles. 
The effect of landing operations against 
shrapnel shot from 12-inch mortars, 
and against the deadly fire of en- 
trenched machine guns, would be prac- 
tical annihilation for the landing forces. 
At this time a general concentration 
of the aeroplanes patrolling the coast 
could be made at the point of landing. 
This concentration would be for the 
purpose of overpowering the enemy's 
air craft and thereby prohibiting him 
from knowing the extent of our rein- 
forcements. The chief factor in pro- 
hibiting the enemy from obtaining a 



strong entrenched foothold upon any 
part of our coast is the factor of the 
length of time required for us to con- 
centrate at that point sufficient men 
and artillery to arrest the landing op- 
erations. 

While this matter would have great 
importance to the heavy artillery on 
railroad trucks, and on motor drawn 
caterpillar wheels, tho situated away 
from the fire of the ships, the matter 
of the time of arrival would have a 
special significance to those troops meet- 
ing the enemy at close range with ma- 
chine guns. It would be necessary for 
these troops to choose such protected 
positions as to be safeguarded from the 
shells of the ships supporting- the land- 
ing forces, and therefore they would de- 
sire to entrench themselves as strongly 
as possible. 

To bring these necessary forces to 
the scene of the enemy's landing there 
should be a number of points of mo- 
bilization for men and guns, and these 
points should be situated at certain in- 
tervals along the coast, so as to be as 
nearly equidistant as possible from the 
various feasible landing places in their 
zone. Thus, each center of mobilization 
could tell to the minute how rapidly it 
could concentrate its force at any point. 
Forewarned, as the land forces would 
be by the broadly scattered coastal pa- 
trol, it would be possible for them al- 
most always to anticipate the landings 
of the enemy, and prevent the landing 
of any appreciable force. 

Certain people have imagined that a 
system of aerial coastal patrol was an 
endeavor to supplant certain functions 
of the navy. This is not the case, for 
the navy, using hydroaeroplanes operat- 
ing from ships, would form the first 
line of patrols. These patrols would be 
feeling for the enemy in the first stages 
of the invasion. After a definite fleet 
action had taken place, the system of 
coastal patrol would unquestionably 
prove a tremendous factor in the na- 
tional defense. 
New York City 




© Photograph by E. Matter, Jr., New York 



A BLAST FROM THE "MICHIGAN" 




(§ E. iluller, Jr. 

Somewhere off the coast of France — a characteristic sample of our mobilized war forces already in action on the other side 




Vndertcood & Underwood 



JACK 

At Harvard in Massachusetts, at Dunwoody in Michigan and at Newport Neics are the big training schools where naval reservists 
are graduated in a few months with a general knowledge of seamanship and specialised training in some one department of the navy 




GOOD GUNNING 

The United States 
navy is proud of a 
good many things, 
hut it is proudest 
of all, perhaps, of 
its marksmanship. 
These pictures 
show the way they 
do it with the four- 
teen inch guns on 
1 h e "Oklahoma." 
The narrow black 
thing at the ex- 
treme right of the 
picture at the top 
of the page is a 
target. The shell 
went right thru it. 
a n d richocheted. 
because shells don't 
sink at once, along 
the water just the 
way a stone does 
if you skip it well. 
It makes a very 
pretty picture. 
Part of its charm, 
tho, is the pleasant 
sense of security it 
gives one to look at 
■it. That target 
might have been the 
periscope of a sub- 
marine and when 
you are shooting at 
submarines it is 
just as well to 
shoot straight 

International Film 




T h e observation] 
balloon isn't quite\ 
as exciting to go 
up in as an aero- 
plane but don't 
imagine that it's] 
easy. When a bat-) 
loon is attached to' 
the fighting mast* 
of a ship it pitches 
and tosses a n d 
sways so that it 
takes an observer 
a long time to get 
accustomed to the 
motion — even tho 
he may be a good 
sailor. The men be- 
lotr arc operating 
one of the big 
range finders which 
are very important 
factors in good 
in a r k s m a n s h i p . 
That distances on 
the water are very 
deceptive and strong 
sunlight often very 
dazzling are facts 
that should a d d 
just a bit to our 
admiration for the 
nary — if it needs 
to be added to. And 
good gunnery isn't 
the only good tiling 
about the United 
States Na oy ! 




Lieutenant John 
W. Wilcox, U. S. 
N., directing the 
maneuvers of the 
mobilized motor- 
boat owners. To 
the left is the big- 




A "Mosquito Fleet" of motor boats tvas mobilized at New Yorkin September, 1916, to be drilled as an auxiliary naval defense 




@ American Press 

A defense plan early in the war — the mosquito fleet of submarine chasers. These were built at Greenport, Long Island 




A considerable part of the $115,000,000 naval emergency fund was used to construct small craft such as these 




© Underwood & Underwood 

"Our deep-tongued guns give ansiver" — An extraordinary photograph of the gunner on one battleship firing at another 



*v 



X 




© international Film 

The liner "La Touraine" coming into an American port. The gun mounted on the stern is the French answer to submarines 





[g International Film 

The British "sea-wasps" — 
submarine chasers, mosquito 
fleet, "stabbers" are some of 
their other names — have been 
England's effective ansiver to 
the German undersea attack. 
They were built by the Sub- 
marine Boat Corporation in 
this country, 550 of them; 
they mount 3-inch, rapid-fire 
guns, their speed is twenty- 
two miles an hour, and be- 
cause they draw only four 
and a half feet of water they 
are immune from torpedo 
attack. The "sea-wasps" work 
in conjunction with an aero- 
plane to locate the submarines 



New York Harbor is thoroly 
mined: "Most elaborate and 
intricate mine field ever de- 
vised will safeguard nation's 
water gate," is one headline 
description. It sounds extra- 
hazardous for harbor tug- 
boats till you stop to think 
that there are mines, and 
mines. These are not contact 
mines, of course; their men- 
ace is latent until, or unless, 
necessity for defense arises, 
and the coast artillery en- 
gineers are given the word 
to set them off. At the left the 
commander of our submarine 
fleet, Rear-Admiral Grant 




© American Press 

The work of mining the harbor. The mines were carried out on patrol boats, then lowered over the side and "placed" 



(5) 




©,nter„aU ml aiFii,n o ^ ^^ ^^ ^^ ENGLAND SHIPYARDS WIN THIS WAR'.' 

The four-masted schooner- invented in New England, named in New England dialect built into one ol E Nev 
mourned in every New England seaport since steam superseded sails-has come back into i * °"";J°'" p ° n °' 
largely depends the Allies victory over Germany s U-boat blocKaae 



England's chief industries and 
r production of wooden shipping 




© Underwood & Underwood 

TURKISH TRANSPORTS ON THE TIGRIS 

All supplies for the British expedition into Mesopotamia had to be brought up the Tigris from the Persian Gulf. The native rafts, as may he 
seen, were quite inadequate, and steamers had hard work getting up the river on account of the floods 




© E. Midler, Jr. 

LIGHTING A TORPEDO TUBE 




Turning back in the files to the time of our Great War, we find in Harper's Weekly a picture and a description of "a very 
curious little vessel, designed by Mr. Anstilt, of Mobile, which seems capable of destroying any ship in the world" 




The German submarine "Deutschland," under Captain Kbnig, brought across the Atlantic a load of aniline dyes 
and other fine chemicals worth more than a million dollars. Its return cargo will be nickel and rubber 




I'cul Thompson 



PLATTSBURG AT SEA 
Roll-call on V. 8. S. "Maine," which with two other warships took a training cruise for civilians in the summer of 1910 




The battleship "New York," one of the half dozen newest and biggest ships in the U. S. "billion dollar" navy 




(cj Lnderwood 

The amateur sea dogs — civilians who turned their vacations to good account learning the rudiments of naval defense 




(c) tiniMLue Mutter 

Queenstoivn, May 16, 1917: "A squadron of American destroyers has crost the Atlantic and is patrolling the seas in 
war service. One of the destroyers convoyed a liner thru the danger zone and another is said to have sunk a submarine" 




© International Film 

When the blue devil finds its mark. A frequently reported, but seldom photographed occurrence of the Great War. The 
vessel just torpedoed is sinking by the bow, its propeller already high out of the water. The last lifeboat is pulling away, 
tho men are still sliding down the ropes. The splash at the left of the photograph shoivs where one has just hit the water 




© International Film 

The U. S. superdreadnought "Arizona" mounts twelve 14-inch guns, twenty 5-inch guns and anti-aircraft ordnance 



No wonder that it has ever been one 
of young America's highest hopes to 
run away and join the Navy! Even 
the routine work on board a battle- 
ship looks like fun — here's evidence to 
prove it! — and it is always seasoned 
by the zest of outdoor living and no 
lack of new adventures. Wouldn't you 
like to be one of the sailors, for in- 

© Underwood it L'ndencood 



stance, "hooking a ride" on Jack Tar's 
favorite elevator, the net of ship's 
supplies being swung on board by a 
big derrick? Perhaps grown-up "boys" 
aren't entirely past the pleasures of 
kite-flying, either, tho in this case 
they are putting up the kite for busi- 
ness reasons; it will furnish a tar- 
get for the ship's anti-aircraft guns 

© International Film 




THE NAVY UNDER 

UNCLE SAM 
The group of men on 
the bridge are in a 
strategic position to 
"see the ivorld!" At the 
end of the bridge are 
ectrically manipu- 
lated semaphore arms, 
fitted with red and 
tvhite bulbs and used 
at night to send mes- 
sages in the Morse 
code. There are a 
couple of man-power 
semaphore arms at 
that end of the bridge, 
too. Most seamen are 
taught both wig-wag 
and semaphore (wig- 
wag is signaling with 
one flag and sema- 
phore is with two) 



SOMEWHERE IN 
THE ATLANTIC 

Don't try too hard to 
make out what letter 
the man in the photo- 
graph above is sending 
— it's probably just the 
upstroke of an "At- 
tention" call. The sail- 
ors photographed on 
deck seem to be pack- 
ing up their troubles 
— if they have any — 
along with all their 
other luggage, to pass 
the rigid inspection of 
kits that limited space 
and m,uch moving 
about make necessary 
in the Navy. Don't 
you envy their eman- 
cipation from all the 
tedious details of trav- 
eling with a trunk? 




© Enrique tlluller 

Repairing a battleship's propeller in ike ocean is not an every day occurrence. It has probably happened only once; certainly it has 
been photographed only once. This is the way it was done. When tlie ''Louisiana" broke down somewhere in the Atlantic the 
"Michigan" came alongside and with the aid of a crane, ropes and the whole crew lifted her stem out of water and made the repairs 




n 



© Underwood tf Underwood 

The sinking of a transport — this British ship, torpedoed in the Mediterranean, ivas run on the rocks in an effort to beach 
her. The photograph, shows the crew and soldiers sliding down the life ropes and in the water. Nearly all were saved 




© Underwood & Underwood 

The largest submarines in the U. S. Navy, reminding Cuba of their existence by naval maneuvers in Havana Harbor 




SHORE LEAVE 




ALL HANDS AT WORK 



A United States dreadnought at her task of planting wines— there arc two piles of them on deck near the rail on either side 




© Committee on Public Information Irons International Film 



BUCKING THE SEA 



The oreaUng waves dashed high— over the deck of this United States destroyer, making for port thru a heavy storm 




@ /;. Mullar, Jr. 



IT'S ALWAYS FAIR WEATHER- 



The navy takes care lest all work and no play make Jack a dull boy: here's an amateur show, for instance, given on 



(ci l.'ndrricfni .t Vndmcnod 



A U-BOAT CAMOUFLAGED 



SAILING PAST SUBMARINES 



BY HAROLD J. HOWLAND 



Saturday, August 21. We are off. 
Already the towered pile that is 
lower New York looms diminish- 
ing astern. Ahead thru the Nar- 
rows opens a straight path upon dubi- 
ous seas. It is only two days since the 
"Arabic" was sunk in the very waters 
we are to traverse. True, the "New 
York" is an American ship. But — who 
knows? 

It has been a quiet sailing. We have 
no crowded passenger list — 106 first 
class instead of 375 as it would be if 
the ship were full. There has been no 
holiday mood on deck or dock. The few 
brave attempts at jocularity — the straw 
hat sent skimming over the rail from 
an impulsive hand, the mighty cabbage, 
fluttering with American flags, that 
drops solidly into our embarrassed 
arms — savor sadly flat. Too many 
thoughts of the strange Cyclops fish 
that may be lurking near the journey's 
end throw shadows across the coming 
days. It has been a sober sailing. 

Down the harbor past the little an- 
chored steamers waiting their appointed 
tides. The usual tramps, some in un- 
usual dress. One bears amidships on 
her side in great capitals the word 
DANMARK and fore and aft a painted 
flag — the red St. Andrew's cross on a 
white ground. Another proclaims her 
neutral nationality by the word 
NORGE with the vertically striped tri- 
color of Norway at either end. Our 
own freeboard, we know, shouts out our 
identity with NEW YORK, AMERI- 
CAN LINE, and the emblazoned stars 
and stripes. No German eye at the un- 
dersea end of a periscope shall mistake 
our neutral registry if we can help it. 
On thru the Narrows, where two low 
lying destroyers, grim in battle gray, 
guard our country's neutrality against 
abuse. 

Out upon a quiet sea under a smiling 
sky. May it be an omen. 

Sunday, August 22. A placid day. 
As usual at this stage of a voyage, we 
are chiefly interested in our shipmates. 
We look them over, guess about them, 
discreetly chat with them with a ques- 
tion mark in our minds, gossip about 
them. Soon a bit of news pops up. One 



Mr. Howland fells here the story of 
his voyage to England on the Ameri- 
can liner "New York." In London he 
stopped at Morley's on Trafalgar 
Square, which teas probably under 
Zeppelin fire in the raid of September 
S, the Londoner' s first glimpse of war 
at close quarters, about which so little 
information has passed the censors 



hundred and more cancelled their re- 
servations since the "Arabic" was sunk. 
In fact more stayed behind than came. 
Were they the wise ones or we the fool- 
hardy ones? Nous verrons. 

A curious thing. Almost every pas- 
senger's story one hears begins — or 
ends — with the war. Most of us are 
going over because of it; a very few in 
spite of it, but only on urgent business. 
Sailing in war time recalls the mar- 
riage service, "not by any to be enter- 
prized, nor taken in hand, unadvisedly, 
lightly, or wantonly." 

The little Canadian girl three steam- 
er chairs away has a fiance down with 
fever in a hospital in Havre. She is 
going over with his father and sister to 
cheer him up. That other pretty Ca- 
nadian girl, barely out of school one 
would say, is on her way to be married 
to her boy officer in the Dominion 
forces. He is still in England, but he 
may go to France any day. He would 
rather leave a wife behind in England 
than a sweetheart in Canada. 

These mothers with children — babies, 
toddlers, scamperers — all have hus- 
bands at the front. It will be easier to 
fight — and to wait — with only the 
Channel between than all the Atlantic. 
Here is a young surgeon from remote 
Alberta offering up his skill to the Em- 
pire's need. 

There are no Teutons among us. 
There is no reason why they should 
not sail on an American ship; there 
is every reason why they should not 
land at a British port. Not a quarter 
of us are Americans — and all on busi- 
ness bent. This is no holiday trip. 

Monday, August 23. A discovery. 
Our table steward is a soldier. The fact 
comes out at breakfast, when the din- 



ing saloon is empty save for a few of 
us early birds. As thus: 

Steward (respectfully in our left 
ear) : "I've been at the front, sir. In 
France, sir." 

Passenger (interested) : "Then what 
are you doing here?" 

S. "Wounded, sir. Discharged 'unfit 
for further service,' sir." 

P. "Where were you wounded, 
steward?" 

S. "In the arm, sir." 
P. "I mean in what engagment." 
S. "St. Eloi, sir. Last April." 
P. "How did it happen, steward?" 
S. "I was goin' ahead not thinkin' 
there was anybody abaht, sir, when up 
jumps, no further awai than that table, 
sir, a brute of a big German. 'E cime 
for me with the b'y'net, sir. I 'ad me 
own knife — b'y'net, sir — in me right 
'and an' tried to catch 'is in me left 
an' missed it. 'E got me a nawsty one 
thru the thick o' me upper arm, sir. 
An' then I got 'im, sir. An' then I 
knew nothin' till I woke up at the 
Casino. The 'ospital, sir." 
P. "How did you get him?" 
S. "I daon't loike to think of it, sir. 
With the b'y'net. Thru the fice, sir." 
P. "Are you going back, steward?" 
S. "Not till some o' these other young 
fellas 'as 'ad their turn, sir. It mikes 
me fair sick. 'Ere I comes back after 
all I've suffered and sees these young 
fellas enjoying themselves. It ain't 
right, sir. We ought to 'ave conscrip- 
tion, that's what I say. An' mike some 
o' these young fellas that's 'angin' 
round 'do their bit.' " 

Do all Englishmen who have done 
their bit feel this way about those that 
have not? That way lies compulsory 
service, distasteful to the Anglo-Saxon 
temper. 

Tuesday. The bedroom steward sup- 
plements the announcement that the 
bath is ready with sensational news. 
The German Ambassador has been sent 
home. Congress has been called to- 
gether. An appropriation for a hundred 
million pounds — half a billion dollars — 
has been asked for. Food for the im- 
agination. The usual shock of the cold 
sea water in the tub is hardly felt this 



morning. Shaving is a rather nervous 
process. Shall we have to "do our 
bit"? 

But a glance at the wireless bulletin 
steadies the pulse. That is only what 
the Washington correspondent of the 
London Times thinks that the Cabinet 
has decided to do if Germany does not 
finally render satisfaction for the tres- 
pass of her submarines. No need to en- 
list just yet. 

Wednesday. Still a calm sea, but a 
gray and drizzling sky. There is noth- 
ing to report. 

Thursday. The young folks are ar- 
ranging a program of deck sports for 
tomorrow. For the second day no news 
from America. Is there a censorship 
in the captain's cabin? 

Friday. Still no news. One cannot 
help wondering. During the morning 
the steward takes down a life-belt 
from the rack and lays it handy. 
Well, one might as well try it on. It 
fits. 

In the afternoon the sports on 
deck. A pleasant time for all. Strange 
how the Englishman comes out of 
his shell at the call of sports. As the 
games are ending, the life-boats are 
swung out on the davits and lowered 
into position by the rail on the prom- 
enade deck. 

Tonight we enter the war zone. 
Cheerful thought, isn't it? We look the 
boats over with a curious and calculat- 
ing eye. It is a novelty to have the 
life-boats play some other role than 
merely that of obstacles on the boat 
deck. 

As night comes on the watch is busied 
rigging strange contrivances along the 
sides. At intervals on either side a spar 
is thrust out from the ship bearing at 
the end a big bowl shaped reflector with 
a cluster of electric light bulbs inside 
it. They cast a blinding light inboard; 



by leaning far over the rail one can see 
the painted stars and stripes brilliantly 
luminous in the glare. The white letters 
of our name, too, stand out unmistak- 
ably. 

It is, like the ready life-boats, a com- 
forting precaution. But the good ship 
must look a very harlequin. It is galling 
to think that an American ship must 
adopt such sensational billboard meth- 
ods to protect American men and women 
and children from lawless attack. But 
will it protect us after all? One cannot 
help wishing we had some news. 

Toward midnight a fantom cruiser 
slips out of the dark, steams alongside 
a while for a little chat with our bridge, 
and fades away. In the war zone at 
last. 

Saturday. Awaken early from a re- 
freshing sleep. But did not the aristo- 
crats in the Conciergerie often sleep 
well the night before the guillotine? 
Anyway, not all of us have been so 
fortunate. The deck chairs, one hears, 
were very well patronized till nearly 
dawn. 

A day of days. Golden sunshine on a 
sea that gives a new meaning to the 
word ultramarine. The mind refuses to 
grasp the thought of a menacing death 
hiding beneath that brilliant blue. But 
not all minds have been so stoical. The 
woman in the next chair, sensible, rea- 
sonable, self-possest, suffers a bad case 
of nerves beneath an appearance of 
quiet calm. 

"Several times in the night," she con- 
fides, "(I turned out my light at five) 
I found myself standing in the middle 
of my cabin floor. The slightest noise 
brought me out of my berth." 

In the offing lies a cruiser, a seaplane 
sailing and drifting and circling above 
her. A second cruiser steams by on the 
other side. We are well within the war 



zone and here the Mistress of the Seas 
has vigilant watchers. But what watch- 
er can be sure to detect the strange 
death-dealing fish that swims beneath 
the rippling waves? 

The splendid day wears on. Now one 
ship, now a dozen are in sight. We are 
in traveled waters now. In the early 
afternoon another cruiser steams across 
our bows, drops back alongside and sig- 
nals us with grotesque gesturing sema- 
phore and parti-colored strings of sig- 
nal flags. Her message given, she goes 
away upon her further business. Was 
it a warning she offered us? They're 
close-mouthed there upon the bridge. 

Between tea and dinner we sight a 
fleet of fishing boats. More than a score 
there are, a fleet of painted ships upon 
a painted ocean. From afar they look 
a helter skelter group; but as we draw 
up to them they resolve into a drawn 
up line, stretching to right and left as 
we pass thru. They're all gray, too, like 
cats that roam at night. Each has its 
net straight out astern, the net floats 
reaching half way to the next in line. 
What are the fish they fish for? Are 
they those men eat or do they eat men 
themselves? 

The night drops down, and on either 
bow a light gleams out. We sail nar- 
rower waters now. 

Sunday. A rattling anchor chain 
brings us on deck. We ride the waters 
of a river that divides a city. It rains 
and it is bitter cold. This must be Eng- 
land. 

Now comes the startling news. Last 
evening we passed a submarine. They 
saw it from the bridge. It came up close, 
looked, dived and disappeared. 

Was it the sight of the emblazoned 
stars and stripes that held their hand? 
Thank God the voyage is done. 

On board U. S. M. S. "New York" 




© Underwood 4 Underwood 

SETTING FIRE TO A SUBMARINE 
This U-boat, sent out to sow mines off the coast of France, ran into too shallow watei-s and was captured by the Fr 
prisoners ,- the submarine itself was hauled ashore and burned by its own petrol 



ch. The crew were taken 



THE MEN IN THE TRENCHES 








four plxotounwlts from American Press 

One round of a bomb fight in the trenches in France — the The defenders answer by firing one of their* little trench 
Germans are bombing and the Highlanders are lying low mortars. The missile is just sailing out over No Man's Land 







The bomb bursts over the German trench with a spreading Struck home! The observer at the periscope makes the other 
cloud of gas and smoke. The kilties begin to look for results Tommies chuckle at his report of the Boches' discomfiture 




Americwn Press 



WHILE THE GARGOYLE WATCHES 




Central News 



READY ! 

The Allies' munition works are piling up their promise of victory. Here's) just one storeroom in an English plant 



I 




Press Illustrating 



A spectacular photograph of the shells in action. These are two of our coast defense guns fired simultaneously in 
target practise. The camera man had luck as well as skill to snap the projectiles just clear of their smoke puff 




(c) Underwood & Undsrwood 

"Tanks," "willies," "land bat- 
tleships," "trench dread- 
naughts," "hell machines," 
call them what you like, the 
armed and armored tractors 
which the British used with 
telling effect in their advance 
on the Somme were the 
most spectacular newcom- 
ers in this war of scien- 
tific sensations since the sub- 
marine merchantman put into 
port. "They look like prehis- 
toric monsters," says a Brit- 
ish officer quoted in the dis- 
patches. "They cut up houses 
and put the refuse under 
their bellies and walk right 
over 'em. They knock down 




trees like matchsticks. They 
go clean thru a wood. They 
take ditches like kangaroos; 
they simply love shell craters, 



-#£&. 



Holt Manufacturing Co. 



«*-. -• "" laugh at 'em." It was said 

that these monstrous engines 
were made out of ordinary 
farm tractors manufactured 
in Peoria, Illinois, thousands 
of which are now in use on American farms. Great 
Britain bought a thousand of them, and at first 
she used them only for hauling heavy guns and sup- 
plies. Later she sheathed them in armor and mount- 
ed guns inside their shell and sent them to de- 
moralize the Germans. The upper picture shows a 
'someivhat smaller model of the tractor walking over a 
railroad track. The "tank" is probably built from a 25,000-pound model with 
120-horse power and measuring nine by twenty-three feet. The lower picture 
shows the wheels. The caterpillar belt which encircles the wheels has been 
laid flat. On it can be seen the jointed track on whose segments, laid down 
one by one by the advancing caterpillar treads, four or five small wheels run 




tndatcood & Underwood 

Again the tank! This photograph of its invincible charge across No Man's Land was taken for the British war records 




© N. Y. H., Courtesy of London Sphere 

An artist in the trenches sketched this impression of the forward march of a tank across the enemy's intrenchments 




(q Meaem . _ . __ _ 

Will they hammer out a victory? French soldier-blacksmiths at the forge in a wrecked smithy in the village of Verdun 




?"r* .. . . 



Pull I'holu A'etis 

Soldiers must learn just how to put up a sand-bag fortification ivithout exposing themselves to the enemy's guns 




© Underwood £ Underwood 

This picture of French soldiers at bay in an Alsatian village took first place at the Paris War Photographic Exposition 





Medem © International Film 

"Papa Joffre" thinks of men as well as of military strategy. The British leader on the Somme, General Sir Douglas Haig, 
He is giving these soldiers a decoration at Verdun and Sir Pertab Singh, Commander of the Indian troops 





<ud <fc Underwood 



The champion British aviator who accounted for twenty-nine The pneumatic bomb-thrower, a new iveapon in trench 
German aeroplanes during the first two years of the war warfare. A French soldier is experimenting with it here 





I 



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© Underwood & Underwood 

GOOD-BYE BROADWAY ! 
HELLO FRANCE! 

Another contingent off to the troopships — 
the city skyline almost out of sight. You 
can learn a good bit about the soldier's 
psychology from this photograph of wav- 
ing hats and forward-lookina determination 





Pictorial Press 

PRANCE'S GREATEST AVIATOR 
"The King of Aces," Captain Guynemer, 
who alone brought down over fifty German 
warplanes. He was killed in September, 1917 



Central News 

CHAPLAIN OF THE AMAZONS 

When the Battalion of Death goes forward 
their chaplain goes too; Mother Maria 
Michailovna has been in heavy fighting 



© International Film 

THE FATHER OF BRITISH TANKS 
Colonel Swinton, to whom the Allies owe 
one of their most successful war inven- 
tions. He recently visited Washington 




Here are the sappers, burrowing 
underground to plant their mines 
in front of the enemy's trenches. 
The explosion of a mined region, 
like that shown at the top of this 
page, is accomplished by a look- 
out, who presses an electric button 
just as the enemy is making a 
charge. Patrick MacGill tells the 
story of it from his oicn experience 



in the trenches: "The land stood 
on end and the sky went afire. Ger- 
man trenches and their occupants 
went heavenward in the glare of 
hell. The soldiers rocked to and fro 
on a swaying battlefront, just as 
shipwrecked sailors are rocked on 
a raft in a stormy sea." Below: 
Frenh infantrymen charging 
thru uarbed wire entanglements 





International Film 

PRISONERS AS STRETCHER-BEARERS 
There is plenty of useful work that prisoners 
of war can do ; this official British photograph 
shows a squad of them sent to carry wounded 
soldiers under the direction of an Allied officer 



THE MEN 
WHO TIRED 
OF FIGHTING 
German prison- 
ers lately seem 
to have been 
more willing to 
surrender than 
to fight — per- 
haps the prison- 
er's face below 
illustrates their 
viewpoint. Con- 
trast it, for ex- 
ample, with 
pho tographs 
you've seen of 
British Tommies 






© Underwood & Underwood 

ONE WAY TO BE SURE OF FOOD 

Soup, at least, and war Dread, can always be 
counted on in the prison camps — and perhaps 
that is a- gain to he considered by the men who 
hare been fighting in the German trenches 






t9"S. 






-, »A >JP ' f £ _ ,*W i ■ ? ■ , 111 



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w 







FOUR THOUSAND PRISONERS IN A DAY 
The advance on Ypres in October, 1917, under General Haig captured German positions on a six-mile front and took J t ) t l t 6 prisoners 




Central JVews 

Modern warfare isn't entirely machine-made yet. Here, for instance, are some "dogs of war" setting out to save the wounded 





©Bain (g ( ndti icii/d i Lntlenmod 

In the trenches are "Liason" dogs, to carry important messages. And pigeons have proved more trustworthy than wireless 




Central News 

The camel, Kipling's "hairy, scairy oont," has his s/iare in this ivar, too — in this case pumping water for the Tommies 




International Film 

TOMMIES IN TRAINING 

'This is only practise but it looks 
like the real tiling because Great 
Britain makes a point of having 
the conditions in her training camps 
as nearly as possible like those 
which the men are going to en- 
counter at the front. These official 
British photographs were taken in 
an English training camp in Au- 
gust, 1!)17. Our men in France are 
going thru very much the same sort 
of thing. The soldiers above are 
having instruction in outpost duty 
and are learning the proper way 
to bring in a prisoner. One of 
them is temporarily "being a Ger- 
man" but he doesn't seem to mind. 
The man on the right is practising 
bomb throwing with a practise 
bomb in a practise trench, which is 
quite an amusing sport, unless 
you have too lively an imagination 





BAYONETS, BRUSHES AND 
BOMBS 

There are various and sundry 
phases of bayonet practise. The one 
below is a little less exciting, per- 
haps, than jabbing straw Germans 
but it develops accuracy and a 
quick eye. The man who holds the 
ring thru which the bayonet is 
thrust has a not altogether enviable 
job. If you ever went to boarding 
school you loill be sorry for the 
men on the right — they are getting 
their kits ready for inspection. 
The soldiers will tell you that it is 
a much smaller misdemeanor to 
lose a leg or an arm than it is to 
lose even one small portion of 
your kit. And it must not only be 
all there but all in perfect condition. 
The army has an incentive to neat- 
ness, however. A bit of rust on a 
gun or a mislaid gas mask may be 
a matter of really vital importance 




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© Underwood & Underwood 

The winter quarters of 
the men who held the 
Allies 7 lines in France 
waiting for their great 
spring "push." They 
have burroived, animal- 
like, into holes in the 
hillside, called appropri- 
ately "Monte de Froide 
Terre." While they wait- 
ed enemy guns were 
shelling the position; 
the growing company 
of crosses in the valley 
speaks for their work 




i ntlaivnud iC- t'nilerwood 

And here is warfare 
with more action — in- 
vented by a brigade of 
British Tommies to 
meet an emergency call 
for quick transporta- 
tion. "Stormed at by 
shot and shell, bravely 
they rode and well" in 
a freight car command- 
eered for the occa- 
sion. So they came 
from — to — (deleted 
by the censor). All 
honor to the freight car 




Root Newspaper Association 

The woods are full of soldiers in the Balkans, 



this case fresh Austrian reinforcements on their way to the front 




The British Tommies have not waited for a composite helmet to be invented. Theirs was designed simply as a protection 
from shrapnel, but in the shelter of trenches it has been made to do service as a soup-plate and as a finger-bowl, too 




Underwood & Underteood 

England's next crop. There are no slacken 



'The Devil's Own" the school-boys' name for their training corps 




© Underwood & Underwood 

Three vieivs of the Al- 
lies' great drive in 
France — the photograph 
above shows the lay of 
land as an air scout 
sees it, a spreading net- 
work of zigzag trenches, 
roads and fortifications 



© American Press 

A spectacular phase of 
the fighting is the gas 
attack, in this case used 
the French with a 
favoring wind to help 
them take possession 
of the first line of op- 
posing German trenches 




Underwood & Underwood 

That the retreating Germans stood not upon the order of their going is evidenced by the bombs in this evacuated trench 




Vnderuiuod A Underwood _ 

"Looking pleasant" is an easy job for Tommy, and the records of his bravery include camera as well as cannon attack 



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w* &JIL 




Official war photographs are rather different. A French aviator risked a flight just above the battle line to get this 




British Official Photograph from Paul Thompson 

AS THE ALLIES GO FORWARD 

Mud — heavy, sticky, interminable, almost 
impassable mud, — is one of the chief difficul- 
ties for the troops that are fighting in Flan- 
ders. The group of British soldiers above are 
plodding thru a stretch of territory par- 
ticularly well churned up by shell fire 

TWO FOR BLIGHTY 

The soldier on the left has his good steel 
helmet to thank for partial escape from Ger- 
man bullets. And on the right a daring rescue 
by a French ambulance attendant who is 
carrying in a wounded soldier from the bat- 
tlefield under fire from German machine guns 





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© Underwood i Underwood 

A LION OF FLANDERS 
Somewhere ahead in the blackness are the lines of German trenches, bombarded 



day and night by the big guns such as this 




War "as is"; a field hospital in a deserted dugout just behind the first line. The soldiers are bringing up more wounded 




Underwood rf Underwood 



A poignant picture of war's devastation — "the curtain of fir«" adopted by both armies to dear the wuy for infantry attack 




Luiui^n sptiae, © AT. J-. H. 

Far behind the lines at Verdun and in the Champagne these thousands of shells are being constantly shaped, filled, packed and 

shipped. The long German siege of Verdun was continued chiefly in the hope of depleting the French supply of munitions 




Central News 

In the wake of the German army — a desolate photograph of what fighting really means along the Somme where the 
Allied and German armies have struggled for over two years thru interminable stretches of mud broken by shell-holes 




Victory in the making — part of the output at one of England's large munition plants (name deleted by the censor) 




American rrou 

Waiting for a chance at action, a characteristic group of poilus keeping warm in a deserted chapel in northern France 



A BITTER PILL 
FOR THE 
KAISER 
The keynote of Ger- 
man trench defense 
is this cylindrical 
concrete structure, 
nicknamed the "pill- 
box." These strong- 
holds, roughly made 
all in one piece dot 
the entire length of 
the Hindenburg line. 
Used singly they are 
merely shelters or 
substitutes for dug- 
outs; with the proper 
internal arrange- 

ments and loop holes 
they are machine 
gun posts, or clus- 
tered together they 
make redoubts. The 
"pill-box" is not eas- 
ily shattered by shell 
fire; this one still 
stands in spite of 
the terrific bombard- 
ment during the 
British advance 
which captured it 
Central Sews 




KAMERAD ! 

KAMERAD ! 

The photograph be- 
low was snapped at 
4:30 o'clock in the 
morning by a French 
"cuirassier" who had 
just taken part in a 
surprize attack on 
the German posi- 
tion. It shows the 
first of the Bodies to 
leave their trenches. 
They have thrown 
down their guns and 
are running toward 
the French troops, 
crying "Kamerad!" 
and holding up their 
hands as they offer 
to surrender them- 
selves as prisoners. 
Reports from the 
western front suggest 
an increasing willing- 
ness on the part of 
German soldiers to 
exchange the hard- 
ships of fighting for 
the comparative com- 
fort of a prison camp 

1'nJfnrt.i.d rf i'ndencarid 





We hear nearly every day how much the spirit of '17 is like the spirit of '76. It's like the spirit of '61, too, as the pictures on these 
pages show. Tico of them were taken in 1917; the others are from iico numbers of Harper's Weekly published during the Civil War 




© Vndei 

Back in '61 the censorship wasn't quite so strict. The picture at the top of the page is labeled "Sixty-ninth (Irish) Regiment 

Embarking in the 'James Adger' for the War." The one below ia just some American troops embarking on something for somewhere 




Presx Illustrating 

This is what Harper's Weekly of 1SG2 calls "Woman's Influence," .which starts a rather fascinating train of thought. Can a sock 
influence the course of battles? Could a dropt stitch have as far-reaching and fatal consequences as the missing horse-shoe nail? 




Even a, generation ago Sister Susie sewed shirts for soldiers as the box in the lower right hand corner proves. Apparently she also 
made comfort bags. She seems slightly more pensive than her 1917 counterpart, but perhaps that is because her skirts are so long 




(c) Underwood & Underwood 



?Klorwl frett 



The battered walls of Rheims Cathedral still stand, tho another shot like that photographed above may bring them down. 
But there's little left of the town itself. The City Council standing here in their ruined hall are forced to hold their meetings 
in a nearby cellar. The soldiert at the right art trying to carry the few undamaged icorlcs of art to a place of greater safety 





t' tutorial Press 

THE WAR OF HIDE 

AND SEEK 
To an aviator the road 
above is just a smooth, 
broicn field, to the enemy 
gunners it looks like the 
edge of a forest, only to 
those permitted does it 
disclose itself as a thoro- 
fare, which can be safely 
used to bring up supplies 
for the French trenches 



© Kaitl £ Her'uert 

UNDER COVER 
The simplest sort of camouflage, branches 
stacked over the army tent to make it look 
like a clump of bushes. The American soldiers 
in France are being taught that the art of 
successful camouflage is as important in war- 
fare nowadays as bomb-throwing, for instance, 
or digging in. The poilu on the right is in a 
passage to the trenches which has been com- 
pletely hidden by painted canvas and foliage 



© Vnderwood & Underwood 





French official photograph from Paul Thompson 

HOW CAMOUFLAGE BEGAN 
These tents in Macedonia, covered with 
branches to keep off the heat, suggested the 
original camouflage — according to one of the 
numerous stories of its discovery. There's in- 
teresting similarity, at any rate, between them 
and the A"meriean tent opposite. The marine 
gun below looks like nothing at all at a distance. 
The camoufleurs have worked out an exact 
science of these miscellaneous painted blotches 

Internal ional Film 






© International Film Pictorial trege 

MAKING FRIENDS ALONG THE WAT 

A hospitable young Londoner whose favorite reminiscence in years Girls somewhat older find the Sammies' coming an event, too. 
to come will be the tale of how she shook hands with a Sammy This incident in international courtesy was photographed in Paris 





Kadel i Herbert 

"LET ME TELL YOU HOW WE DID IT!" 
A French veteran of 1870 moapping storiei with an American Sammy is much impressed by the quantity of Tommy's luggage 



Britilk Opicitl PlKtoarapU 

THAT'S A LOT TO CARRY" 




Pictorial Press 

SAMMY IN THE 
TRENCHES 
The American army 
in France had its first 
chance at actual fight- 
ing in October, 1917 ; 
"a contingent of some 
battalions of our first 
contingents," reads 
the official report, "in 
association with vet- 
eran French battal- 
ions, is in the first line 
trenches of a quiet 
sector on the French 
front. They are sup- 
ported by some batter- 
ies of our artillery, 
with veteran French 
batteries. Our men 
have adapted them- 
selves to actual trench 
conditions in the most 
satisfactory manner" 





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GET TOUR GAS 
MASKS ON! 

Seconds are precious 
when the warning 
gong is sounded, for a 
gas attack, and drills 
to develop speed in 
adjusting t h e gas 
masks are one im- 
portant phase of 
Sammy's training for 
the trenches. This pho- 
tograph and the one 
above come from one 
of the training camps 
in France, where 
the American soldiers 
are given- a short 
period o f intensive 
training before they 
are sent forward to 
the first line trenches 




Kadel S. Herbert 



AMERICAN TROOPS GO OVER THE TOP 




Pach Photo News 



THE WAR IN THE SNOWS 




FOLLOW THE FLAG 

By Theodore Marburg 

Former United States Minister to Belgium 



Follow the flag! 

By every fireside where live the love of country 
and the love of justice is heard a sigh of relief that 
our flag is not, after all, to be trampled in the mire. 
Now that it has been raised aloft, follow it. Follow 
it even to the battle front. 

Folloiv the flag! 

It goes on a high mission. The land over which 
it flies inherited its spirit of freedom from a race 
which had practised liberty for a thousand years. 
And the daughter paid back the debt to the mother. 
Her successful practice of free institutions caused 
the civic stature of the citizen in the motherland 
to grow. It lit the torch of liberty in France. Then, 
moving abreast, these three lands ( of democracy im- 
parted to it impetus so resistless that freedom is 
sweeping victorious round the globe. Today consti- 
tutional government is the rule, not the exception, 
in the world. Once more these three nations are 
together leading a great cause and this time as 
brothers in arms. 

Follow the flag! 

It goes on a world mission. If the high hope of 
our President is fulfilled, that flag will have new 
meaning. Just as the stars and stripes in it sym- 
bolized the union of free states in America, so now 
they may come to symbolize the beginnings of a 



union of nations, self-governing, and because they 
are self-governing, making for good will and for 
justice. 

Folloiv the flag! 

It goes on a stern mission. Follow it, not for 
revenge, yet in anger — righteous anger against the 
bloody crew who, with criminal intent, have brought 
upon the world the greatest sum of human misery 
it has ever known in all its history. Follow it till that 
ugly company is put down and the very people them- 
selves whom they so grievously deceived and misled, 
by coming into liberty, will come to bless that flag 
and kiss its gleaming folds. 

Follow the flag! 

Too long it has been absent from that line in 
France where once again an Attila has been stopped. 
It has been needed there, God knows ! And yet, tho 
not visible to the eye, it is and has been there from 
the beginning. It is there in the hearts of those 
fifty thousand American boys who saw their duty 
clear and moved up to it. Now at last it may be 
flung to the breeze in the front line, to be visible 
by day, and to remain at nightfall, like the blessings 
of a prayer fulfilled, in the consciousness of men. 
Follow it and take your stand beside the fifty 
thousand. 

Follow the flag.' 




© Brown Brotheri THE DOCTORS AND NURSES OF BASE HOSPITAL NO. 4 

FIRST AID TO THE ALLIES 



THE ship that took them out 
passed unnoticed. At an Atlan- 
tic port, somewhere in America, 
early in May, 1917, the liner left, 
utterly without flourish, just one of 
many slate colored, deep laden, un- 
labeled merchantmen braving U-boats 
these days. A long gun jabbed out over 
her stern. 

No American battleflag snapped 
aloft, to set a thousand harbor tugs 
whistling in salute as she sailed. Dun, 
grim, silent — and she carried the "first 
for France.*' 

Aboard was the first unit of the 
United States Army — uniformed, car- 
rying the American flag, under War 
Department orders — to go to the front, 
Base Hospital No. 4, two hundred and 
fifty-two strong. It was not merely the 
first of the army's forces off in this 
war. 

It was the first army unit that ever 
sailed in the history of the United 
States for service on the continent of 
Europe. 

If John P. Holland had not care- 
lessly invented the infernal submarine, 
Base Hospital No. 4 wouldn't have 
sailed so unostentatiously. There would 
have been a parade to the pier, god- 
speed speeches full of "firsts," hulla- 
baloo down the bay, pictures in all the 
papers, wireless reports all the way 
over and kudos galore. The submarine 
has taken the pomp out of war, even 
in places three thousand miles away 
from the front. 

SOME there were at the pier, of 
course, who knew what was toward. 
They shouted gaily at the lieutenant- 
doctors, in spick and span khaki, lin- 
ing the rail. They laughed and chaffed 
when the Red Cross sent to the ship 
two dozen silver-tipped swagger sticks 
for the officers. They cheered when a 
philanthropist hurried over the gang- 
plank to hand $25,000 to the unit to 
broaden its work. Another hurrah went 
up for some snare drums rushed 
aboard. 

Then the ship moved. The khaki- 
clad men began singing. It was the 



BY HEBER BLANKENHORN 

"Star Spangled Banner." Next they 
sang "Tipperary." Cheerers on the pier 
fell silent, thinking how many thou- 
sands of transports have sailed to 
"Tipperary" and how many will yet 
sail to the "Star Spangled Banner." 

It was only a regiment of doctors 
going to a post nowhere near the firing 
line, with only submarines to face and 
slight chance of being bombed. 

But they were the first to answer 
the Allies' call for help and some were 
glad that America's first should be 
healers, not killers. Others were proud 
that the first call should find America 
perfectly prepared. 

THE first unit was mobilized and off 
in seven days. Five more hospital 
units followed hard at their heels. In 
all so far Colonel Jefferson R. Kean, 
Director General of Military Relief, 
has organized thirty-six base hospitals 
under the Red Cross to be mobilized 
with the army under War Department 
orders. 

Ten thousand surgeons, nurses and 
attendants, this means, are under way 
for France. They will not all come 
back, as any one knows who has stud- 
ied the casualty lists of the medical 
arm of the belligerents. 

The percentages of casualties, ac- 
cording to the reports from the Allies 
as cited by Captain A. Lippincott, U. 
S. Signal Corps, run as follows: med- 
ical, infantry, artillery, air. The mor- 
tality rate among the doctors in official 
reports for a long time now has been 
actually the highest of the war. The 
normal ratio is 10 doctors to 1000 men. 
At present there is only one doctor to 
1000 men in France. 

The British army lost six hundred 
doctors in the battle of the Somme 
alone. As long as a year and a half 
ago the French army service became 
demoralized, between losses and in- 
efficient organization. In the Russian 
army, with its peculiar system of "fly- 
ing columns" of doctors who work right 
in the trenches, the mortality has been 
far higher in the medical service than 



in any other branch. In all the armies 
it is found that the doctors after three 
years in war work have spent them- 
selves and must be relieved. American 
surgeons, conceded the best in the 
world, are now going by the thousand. 
It is estimated that the war will take 
at least twenty-five thousand American 
doctors and nurses. 

THE war surgeon's task is not in- 
spiring to the popular mind. No 
"citations" in it, no headlines. It is 
gloomy, discouraging, an endless wade 
in the "backwash of war." Toilers in 
the hospital get no acclaim in the 
communiques, not even a notice unless 
some attendant is killed, as was H. E. 
M. Suckley of Rhinebeck, New York, 
by a German avion dropping bombs 
eighteen miles back of the trenches. 

Without a thrill, without even the 
intoxicated heat of "going over the 
top" for a charge, without even a hate, 
the doctors struggle on at the most dis- 
heartening job in the whole business 
of war. 

Blasted men, gangrenous bodies, are 
about them always. They work in 
stench and moaning and horrib'e dy- 
ing. Death is at their elbow day and 
night. If they succeed they see half 
their cures return wearily to the 
trenches, the other half, maimed, go 
home to drag out a useless existence. 

IF the doctor's lot is cheerless, the 
nurse's is almost unendurable. Pain 
never lets up in the long wards and 
the nurse is continually at the beck 
of torture. She has been overtasked as 
well in many of the hospitals of 
France. One nurse, one nurse's aid and 
a three-fingered orderly with an entire 
hospital of forty beds to care for un- 
assisted, is not an unusual case. 

With this before them the American 
doctors and nurses are going abroad 
so eagerly that the commander of No. 
4 said on arriving in Great Britain 
that his people were "crazy to go into 
action." 

Their enthusiasm grows out of their 




© Brown Miockers 

AN X-RAY UNDER CANVAS 

splendid preparation. Colonel Kean be- 
gan organizing over a year ago. Base 
Hospital No. 4 was recruited at Lake- 
side Hospital Cleveland, Ohio. Its doc- 
tors were all officers of the United 
States Medical Reserve Corps, and 
some had had "war" experience with 
the Guard on the Mexican border, while 
others had served in relief emergencies, 
such as the flood at Dayton and the 
like. Its director, the noted surgeon, Dr. 
George W. Crile, had gone to France 
for a time early in the war. 

This unit accomplished a tour de 
force in mobilizing- in a week. A base 
hospital is a complicated organization. 
Its two hundred and fifty members in- 
clude twenty-five surgeons, sixty-five 
nurses, one hundred and fifty orderlies, 
recorders, attendants, cooks, mechan- 
icians, launderers, electricians, etc., and 
its equipment for 500 beds when 
housed under canvas takes twenty-five 
or thirty tents. The first units for 
France did not need this equipment, as 
they were ordered to prepared hospi- 
tals. Many sorts of experts went — pedi- 
atrists, dentists, X-ray 
men, ophthalmologists, 
bacteriologists. 

The Lakeside men 
did heroic things to 
tear themselves loose 
and be first off. Fa- 
mous surgeons instant- 
ly sacrificed practises 
worth $100,000 a year. 

Here is exactly 
what one young lieu- 
tenant did on five suc- 
cessive days: 1, he mo- 
bilized; 2, he married; 
3, he hurried off to 
Philadelphia to read a 
scientific paper, the 
result of two years' 
research, before the So- 
ciety of American Phy- 
sicians; 4, he rushed 
back to Ohio to say 
"good-bye" to home; 5, 
he started east again 
— for the front. Like 
feats were accomplished 
by the other units, 
the Harvard, the Pres- 
byterian-Columbia o f 
New York, the Johns 
Hopkins, the Chicago, 



the Philadelphia, the St. Louis, all in 
the first call to the colors. 

Their work is cut out for them. After 
the dressing stations in the trenches 
have slapped on "first aid" and the 
field hospitals back of the lines have 
operated the vital cases, the wounded 
pass thru the evacuation hospitals to 
the base hospitals. 

Since hospital ships are being ruth- 
lessly torpedoed these days the base 
hospitals must be in France and every 
"drive" from now on will tax them to 
the uttermost. 

No. 4's men intend to do more than 
the "cut out" work. Major Crile, Major 
Lower and Major Hoover, the best 
known among them, would like to see 
what can be accomplished by quick op- 
erative work in the very trenches, 
dragging their anesthetics and knives 
into the dark of dugouts and mud of 
shell holes. Their reasoning is based on 
the fact that abdominal cases if not 
operated within four hours after the 
wound are usually fatal. They want to 
work out this grim arithmetic — wheth- 
er by following up attacks right with 
the fighters the percentage of men 
saved will not be greater than the per- 
centage of doctors killed. The problem, 
tho unpleasant, must be scientifically 
resolved. 

They hope to do research work as 
well, with that $25,000 which Samuel 
Mather donated at the pier. One of 
them, who has been working on the or- 
igins of jaundice, had in his pockets 
reports of how France is suffering 
from a plague of jaundice due to 
trench rats. Out of war they will try- 
to distill some essence of good for hu- 
manity. 

No. 4, convoyed at the last by an 
American destroyer, reached England 
on May 17. Major Gilchrist, in com- 
mand, found his force welcomed by a 





© Broun Brothers 

THE LINEN DEPARTMENT, AND A VIEW OF A HOSPITAL STREET 



ONE OF THE OPERATING TENTS 

British general and his staff at a port- 
decorated with American flags in the 
doctors' honor. 

On to London, and humble No. 4 
found itself lionized. Buckingham Pal- 
ace invited its presence for the first 
reception of the sort that ever took 
place. Royalty democratically shook the 
hand of every man and woman and 
King George addrest them, saying: 
"We greet you as the first detachment 
of the American army to land on our 
shores." 

In England No, 4 was face to face 
with the one thing it feared. The fear 
had come upon it an hour before sail- 
ing. They knew they were trained, they 
were drilled, they were all prepared — ■ 
but they had no band. By the scream- 
ing eagle, what a fix! They hastily 
canvassed their administrative per- 
sonnel recruited a few days before and 
discovered that of the one hundred and 
fifty, seventy-six were college boys, en- 
listed as privates, at fifteen dollars a 
month, volunteers to do the hardest, 
meanest work around a hospital. Some 
of them were runa- 
ways. 

Of the seventy-six, a 
dozen were found 
who "could play any- 
thing." An officer 
rushed ashore and pur- 
chased half a dozen 
diums and as many 
fifes. 

On the voyage 
over the sharked-up 
drum corps learned to 
play "Yankee Doodle" 
— but not at Bucking- 
ham Palace. Even for 
the frills of war they 
were competent and 
ready. 

In France in the 
grim business of saving 
shattered men these 
10,000 American doc- 
tors and nurses may in 
the next year work in- 
calculable good for the 
race and make the 
name "American" blest 
among the nations of 
the earth. 

New York City 




(c) Underwood 



SEEING DADDY OFF 




THEY WERE DETERMINED— AND NOT A LITTLE EAGER, 

THE FIRST TROOPS OVERSEAS 



SOMEWHERE" on the Atlantic 
Coast the "first ten thousand" 
were ready to start for "some- 
where in Europe." 

On board one of the transports, a 
great ocean liner, I went over to a pri- 
vate standing alone by the rail — a 
thoughtful, dark-haired fellow staring 
into the distance, past intervening- 
miles, I imagined, clear away to a lit- 
tle farmer mother standing in a door- 
way, thinking of him. "Are you down- 
hearted?" I asked him. 

"I'm just looking," he smiled. 

"Where?" I smiled back at him. 

"Oh, somewhere," he laughed. 

And then, suddenly: "Hell, I got a 
girl." 

Nearly every one of them had girls, 
I judge. Nearly all had mothers. And 
some had wives. And many were sol- 
diers of fortune with neither girls nor 
mothers nor wives. And here they were, 
all together, bound on the Great Ad- 
venture, and if there were any tears 
shed, neither the ocean nor the officers 
were any the wiser. 

There may have been tears shed, yet 
mothers who are in dread of embarka- 
tions these days should be assured that 
these thousands were full of fight and 
of fun, and they went to sea with the 
soldier "bands" playing. Certainly on 
one ship the only sign of nervousness 
I made out was that displayed by a 
lieutenant, who came up from the 
ranks by examination, clear up to the 
point where now he was, with some 
other officers, on what he called "the 
roof" of the ship! 

He was a little nervous, and a bash- 
ful boy, too — one of those condemned 
to suffer solitude tho thousands are all 
about him. He fretted. He moved round 
in circles — for him very small circles. 
He was accustomed, like many a diffi- 



BY DONALD WILHELM 

dent young officer, to the western fields, 
I know. He had never before smelled 
the sea, I am sure. And he was, I 
think, so intent on appearing self- 
composed that he forgot, as the big 
vessel turned her engines, and strolled 
out upon the canvas covering of the 
top deck — strolled out, and then strolled 
right back again, very, very quickly! 

He laughed at his own nervousness 
— a queer little laugh. The others 
laughed. And a moment later he stole 
off, to be alone, no doubt — alone with 
"the girl" thousands of miles away. I 
thought then that he was the kind 
of impulsive boy who would some day 
steal off, quite unaided, over the para- 
pet and across "No Man's Land," and 
do perhaps as Sergeant Leary did — 
kiil half a score of Germans, capture 
a couple more, a machine gun and the 
"V. C." all in one hour of a busy day. 

"What's the difference," mused one 
of the remaining officers — one young 
enough to talk quite frankly. "If I get 
shot my uncle will pay all my bills. 
And if I don't get shot he says he will 
pay 'em any way if I bring him a Ger- 
man helmet. So I'll send him two Ger- 
man helmets — C. O. D. Well, what if 
you do get shot — if there isn't any 
hereafter for a soldier fighting, who's 
got one coming to him, then?" 

The ship's whistle snorted. The Only 
Civilian made for the head of the gang- 
plank. 

There, at the head of the gangplank, 
was a little group of soldiers — a couple 
of wistful boys, an older sergeant, 
three others. They were near the hatch 
that led down to their quarters — down 
to the big space full of bunks, three 
atop one another, all freshly painted 
and scrupulously clean. 



"Now," said the sergeant, winking, 
"the funny thing about a torpedo go- 
ing off under you is that you never 
know what happened until you feel 
yourself coming down!" 

They laughed, I began to realize that 
after all these men took the whole sit- 
uation philosophically, even now, in 
the first unrushed moment since they 
had come marching out of the distances 
that constitute America. Almost all 
situations in life offer some satisfac- 
tions, — and this one did likewise. 

And then the boat moved a little — 
the tension was off its hawsers. 

I got ashore. 

"I envy you — I wish I were in your 
place," I called to one of the men at 
the rail. 

"Perhaps you won't three months 
from now," he laughed. And then, 
from the same man: "Give my regards 
to all the girls " 

" to Broadway, too," called an- 
other. 

And then another punned on some- 
thing about Broadway with its sky- 
line of stars, even when it's stormy! 

The next moment the boat had 
cleared, all except two hawsers. I 
glanced at my watch. There was a 
minute left till schedule. She waited 
that minute out. There was that min- 
ute's pause, a curt order from the 
bridge and almost instantly the big 
craft was moving slowly but surely 
out toward the sea. 

Then there was music. Some boy 
with a cheerful heart started it with 
"Tipperary," and the next moment a 
soldier band had caught up the tune, 
then turned it to the music that prom- 
ises to be the marching song that will 
heal forever the wounds between North 
and South — "Dixie"! 

On the decks, too, were not a few 



bluejackets — men assigned to man — or 
shall we say "mother?" — the plentiful 
guns fore and aft. 

■'What are those guns for?" I asked 
a "jackie." 

He laughed. "Just for sociability's 
sake," he said. 

"Regards to Fritz — boom!" suggest- 
ed a private. 

The jackie shook his head dolefully. 
"You fellows are the ones that will see 
something doing," he said. 

"Well, Skinny," retorted the private, 
"you'll see something doing when you 
get this bunch of landlubbers out on 
the briny!" 

This, no doubt, proved to be truth. 
But there is solace, nevertheless, for 
the privates — so the jackies intimated 
— in knowing that the jackies will be 
enjoying themselves even if the land- 
lubbers aren't! And, after all, seasick- 
ness leaves hardly any sting! 

All of which suggests something im- 
portant — that this trip will constitute 
an event in the annals of American 
traditions because it has been very 
seldom that soldiers and sailors have 
ei-ost the ocean together, and of course 
they have never crost on a mission like 
this one. 

There are men from Army and Navy 
and from the Marine Corps, too, on 
this first contingent — men from all 
ranks of our various services. Amer- 
ica was represented in those first ten 
thousands, represented fore and aft 
and in the lookouts atop decks, in 
cabins and under hatches, all of Amer- 
ica — typical soldiers from whom one 
can extract nothing in the way of in- 
formation about themselves; men from 
the North and the South, from the 
East and the West — from all the lev- 
els high and low of America. There 
were men with distinguished names, 



just like the other privates — Lees, for 
instance — a few men of wealth, and 
not a few sons of men celebrated in 
our down-to-the-date American life. 

IT was startling in its psychological 
effect — the sudden appearance, right 
on scheduled minute, of these columns. 
They came marching up out of all the 
reaches of America — marching four 
abreast, in line upon line, till their 
faces made a passing sweep that 
played on one's emotions like the flut- 
ter of an American flag. They came 
marching up, into the lighted space, 
and then flashed on into the shadows, 
to pause, take a look about and a 
moment's rest, then file up the gang- 
planks, down the hatches and up to 
the upper decks, and pile themselves 
into bunks — for they were tired, every 
one of them. 

They were tired; yet they came 
marching up out of the depths symbol- 
ically, with a vigor that was astound- 
ing, marching with full equipment 
ready to stay in Europe till the Ger- 
mans burn out and freeze themselves 
under. They came, thousand after thou- 
sand of them, in order that the Im- 
perial German Government would have 
deemed impossible here, at an embarka- 
tion. There was no confusion. They 
came and there were no consequences 
— just a few low and quiet commands, 
a few wheelings and swift and direct 
execution of movements desired. They 
came in long columns and went aboard, 
and the strange, quizzical idea that 
persisted in me, past all the envy that 
came to this poor civilian at these fel- 
lows who are to have their chance, was 
this, that it was somehow curious that 
they were going to the other side of 
the world and taking nothing but their 
rifles ! 



Of course on board there was much 
more merely than rifles. Of course 
there was aboard that great armada of 
men and materials much more — very 
much more — somewhere! 

Yet here were all these men, gath- 
ered from far and wide, from all the 
levels high and low of a country as 
wide and deep as America, bound to 
the other side of the world, taking- 
nothing but rifles! Of course this is a 
crazy idea, and yet it persisted, and it 
still persists. It seemed to this civilian 
that it was as if a shoemaker were 
going to Egypt and taking not an awl 
but merely a hammer. So I said so to 
one of the officers. He smiled indul- 
gently. "They're going over to use their 
rifles," he explained. "And you know," 
he laughed more and more amused, 
"they've got their bayonets, too!" 

He did not even add — this vigorous, 
much amused officer — that old adage 
among the military to the effect that a 
soldier's life is for his family, his 
death for his country, and his discom- 
forts for himself. 

But they weren't thinking of things 
like that — not these men. The older sol- 
diers, with the love of a fight that is 
part of their nature, looked forward to 
action of a kind past all anticipation. 
And the young ones with the old were 
full of wonderment, perhaps, yet they 
took their cues from the old ones. I had 
spent hours with them. They were 
cheerful, full of fight and of fun. They 
were comfortable. And intelligent, too 
— that is, they looked at the situation 
as they found it, knew its dangers and 
enjoyed them. They were not down- 
hearted, taken altogether. They were 
determined, and it may be guessed that 
before their journey was over they 
were not a little eager, too. 

July, 1917 




© International Film 



"I WISH I WERE IN YOUR PLACE !" 



gm miiiiiiiiiii i mm i iiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii iiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii iiiii i iiiiimiiiiiiiiiiiiii iiiiniiiii iiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiniiiiii iiiiii | mmm iimiimmmmmiiimiiiimiiimiiiiiiiM 

COME ACROSS ! 

The United States Answers the Call 





(c) Underwood 

THE BIGGEST PARADE SINCE '65 
125,000 men and women, more Americans than have marched behind one leader since the grand review of the G. A. R., 
marched up Broadway and Fifth Avenue, New York, on May 13, 1917, to advertise their belief in national preparedness 





© Press lllHsiratini) 

THE UBIQUITOUS RED TRIANGLE 

Wherever the soldier goes, there goes the Y. M. C. A. 
This is a typical hut. There are others like it in, every 
cantonment camp, in the big cities where troops embark, 
in Paris, "back of the front," wherever our army goes 

THE FRENCH FOR T. M. 0. A. 

The location is Paris and the mural decorations are 
decidedly French, but the games on the tables are those 
the American soldier and sailor like to plug and the 
magazines and newspapers come from home. There is 
an infinite variety in the architecture of the "huts" but 
the spirit of welcome is very much alike in them all 



© underwood & Underwood 

A GOOD SHOT 

Maybe billiards improves a soldier's marksmanship, 
anyway it improves his disposition. That is tohy this 
Y. M. O. A. encourages it by furnishing its huts with 
tables ir>hich are always at the disposal of the man who 
wants a game. And there are concerts and "movies," too 

PORTO RICO, TOO 
'The Porto Ricans are the first of our colonials to take 
up the fight. Their troops are training hard and effect- 
ively, and spending their odd minutes in the Y. M. G. A. 
tents. The red triangle and the blue triangle of the Y. W. 
C. A. are becoming almost as well known as the Red Cross 

© Vnderwuod & Underwood 




Ik i M-kJ 






WHEN THE SOLDIERS AREN'T DRILLING 
The community Y. M. G. A. at Chattanooga leads in providing recreation for the soldiers off duty — magazines, books, music and "eats'' 




? Illustrating 

THE CHURCH HAS A SHARE IN ENTERTAINING 

All kinds of fun at an old-fashioned Hallowe'en social given by the young people in one of the churches near a training camp 



From Connecticut tc 
California our colleges 
prepared to do their 
part before war was 
declared. The Univer- 
sity of Illinois is first 
in military importance 
and in the order of 
these pictures; 2200 
students drill regularly 
there under the direc- 
tion of three United 
States army officers 




Below, the University 
of Illinois Armory, a 
new building excellent- 
ly equipt; it has a drill 
floor 200 by 400 feet. 
Illinois goes in for 
cavalry practise, too. 
Engineering is empha- 
sized in the military 
training at Wisconsin 
University. These boys 
are trying out a bridge 
they built themselves 














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Cornell had 2100 soldier s-in-the-making in spring term, 1917, when Cornell Company C put the camp in campus 




Photoffraptit 6y Baoan 

Everybody, in the East at least, knows the Yale Batteries, organized in 1915 as part of the Connecticut Tenth Regiment 




© Underwood <& Underwood 



© International Film 




© Inter nati-onal Film 

These sidelights on Plattsburg busyness give color to the story there of a soldier who asked leave to go back to 
the trenches to rest after his second day of training camp routine. Plattsburg men vouch for it with enthusiasm! 



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© International Film 

The college men come first in war recruiting. These undergraduates are training for work on submarine chasers 




'We want a rifle for every American" was the slogan of the business msn who drilled for weeks ivith broomsticks 




© International Film 

West Point on dress parade forms a forceful contrast. We rely on these cadets of yesterday for the officers of tomorrow 



International Film Service 

An Indian battalion drilled for national defense. The Carlisle Industrial School requires military training under an officer 




© XJndencood i Underwood Princeton Pictorial Review 

Princeton has no slackers, either. The marching songs of football fame are being used to put pep into _ the "awkward 
iquad's" daily drill on campus; and some of the men are learning railroad service on- the "Junction locomotive" 




(£) International Film 

In New York the Boy Scouts did recruiting. You can almost hear the 



Kadel & Herbert 

'Star Spangled Banner" in the tableau above 




© Underwood & Underwood 

They're ready to do their bit at war work, too, putting up hospital tents like these, moving the wounded, carrying messages 




THE SPIRIT OF '17 

Independence Ball was again the focus of the country's patriotism when this meeting endorsed the declaration of war with Germany 




Kadel & Herbert 



© Bro\cn i£ Dawson 

Now Uncle Sam is seiving shirts for soldiers, and his shops surpass the speed of Sister Sue; 
For, here are uniforms cut out by forties, stitched, pressed and shipped all day and all night, too 




Portrait by Paul Thompson 



Photographs of factory copyright by Underwood & Underwood 



"If anybody attacks the United States, believe me, I'm going to fight and fight hard." The same willingness to 
finance his ideals that made Henry Ford send a peace ship to Europe backed his offer of a $100,000,000 loan 
to the Government, without interest, and the use of his entire factory, with its A6,000 employees. 



A MAN-SIZE 
FACTORY JOB 

The woman below is 
one of the thousands 
■who have stepped into 
machine-shop to o r k 
that used to he done 
by men. They are get- 
ting away with it, too ; 
after all a drilling 
machine and a sewing 
machine do have a 
good deal in common 

© Underwood £ Underwood 




A WOMAN AS 
GATE-KEEPER 

Mrs. Phillips, of Mont- 
clair, New Jersey, has 
found another new 
field f o r woman's 
work. She is in charge 
of one of the Erie 
Railroad's grade cross- 
ings, thereby earning 
enough to support her- 
self while her husband 
is fighting in France 




ENLISTING THE WOMEN OP AMERICA 

Government positions, chiefly at coast defense stations, 
were filled by women as fast as they graduated 
from this radio operators' class in Netv York City 




THE CHAMPION GIRL CANNER 
Helen Tew, of Washington, D. C, won the first prize 
given by the National Emergency Food Garden Com- 
mission in their contest in vegetable canning this fall 





had' l A Herbert © Underwood & Underwood 

BAGGAGE-SMASHERS AND ENGINEERS 

The Bush Terminal Company is training women to fill the places of men called to the front. They're unloading elevators here 




© B. L. IToItJen 

Of course the Red Cross enrolled the largest number; 350 of Vassar's 1100 students are working at first aid or nursing 



"We must build ships, not talk about them!" The 
second chairman of the Shipping Board struck the 
right note to satisfy the national impatience after 
iveeks of futile controversy over the case of 
wooden ships vs. steel. President Wilson gave 
former Chairman William Denman and Major- 
General Goethals, recently General Manager of 
the Emergency Fleet Corporation, plenty of 
time to settle their differences or to effect a 
compromise; his acceptance at last of the 
resignations of both men cleared 

© Underwood iG Underwood 



away the tangle for a fresh start on our 
ship-building program, which finally worked 
out to emphasize the importance of steel 
ships, but included ivooden vessels, too. 
The photograph beloiv shows a pictur- 
esque point in the building of the for- 
est fleet; there are approximately a 
million feet of lumber in this particular 
ship. Above is one of the most essential 
units in steel ship-building, a riveter 
fastening doivn the heavy deck plates 

Bain © Harris & Ewiny _ 





© Underwood & I'ndcncn.t! 



FEEDING A MILLION MEN 
Up-to-date Government cook wagons furnish a good hot stew Every camp lias its "spud squad" — the cook has plenty of helper) 




© .4„ 

PART OF THE AUXILIARY 
MOBILIZATION 

These far-reaching piles of crates and ho.rcs 
are just a sample of the shipments that 
Uncle Sam makes to insure good and 
sufficient food for the men in the training 
camps thruout the country. More stores are 
going over, too, to take care of the food 
problem for the American troops in France 



PIES THAT MOTHER COULDN'T 
MAKE 

The American soldier eats more than any 
other in the world — pies such as these 
would seem to prove that there's a reason 
for it.' Even the cook here can't help beam- 
ing with righteous pride; he gets the best 
of modern equipment and material to work 
with — "Uncle Sam supplies the dough" 



THE PRESIDENT AS SOLDIER 
A snapshot that strikes the keynote of 
democracy — President Wilson march- 
ing in the Washington parade 

© TJnderteood & Vndertcood Centra} AVios 




io) underwood & Underwood 



WHEN THE FIRST DRAFTED TROOPS LEFT NEW YORK 




THE SAMMIES IN LONDON 
It was a great occasion— this first popular welcome of England to the American troops. 
They are marching here past the House of Parliament and over Westminster Bridge. The 
photograph below shows another section of the same parade, reviewed by the King and Queen 















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WHEN THE SEVENTH MARCHED AWAY IN - G1 
One of the first Civil War numbers of ''Harper's Weekly" published this cut of New York's send-off celebration to the boys in blue 




© Vndcncood & Underwood 

THE "FIGHTING SEVENTH" ON THEIR WAY TO FRANCE 
New York's favorite regiment leads the way in another u-ar for democracy and "the city of Don't-care" proves again how much it does 




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© Vndarwood & Underwood 



A FRENCH GENERAL REVIEWS OUR TROOPS CLOSE TO THE FIGHTING FRONT 




LEARNING TRENCH TACTICS 

French officers are giving the American soldiers the 
benefit of their three years' experience in trench, fighting 



Pictorial Press 
OVER THERE 
It might be any 
old camp where a 
couple of soldiers 
had nothing more 
rious to worry 
about than a dish- 
pan, but the care- 
fully "camou- 
flaged" tent-fly 
belies that fir 
impression. As 
matter of fact it's 
well Within sound © international Fa m 

of the guns. The "TIME OFF" IS BUSY, TOO 

censor does not The Sammies say that learning to talk Frenc 
say exactly where --but perhaps it all depends on how you 



h is easy 
study it 




The keystone of fighting America West Point Academy has graduated in all nearly 6000 officers for the United 
States Army. This is the entrance to Cadets' Barracks; on the hill in the distance is West Point's famous cliapel 



THE FIRST TEN THOUSAND 



WHATEVER may be in the 
minds of the five thousand 
or so student officers under- 
going, many for the first 
time, some for the second, the intensi- 
fied training under way at Plattsburg 
Barracks that is designed at some no 
distant date to produce "The First Ten 
Thousand" who are to organize, in- 
struct, and finally lead the shadowy 
millions of Americans who thru the 
selective draft will be called to serve 
their country, there is in the minds 



BY HERBERT REED 

the little I have seen so far, and con- attitude of the gray-haired man of 

vinced as I am that these molders of forty who had fought the workaday 

men have always before them the vision world for the sort of life he meant to 

of those shadowy drafted millions which live and had lived till now; who had 

are in the last analysis the nation. They thrown away the fruits of that fight 

are determined that these millions shall to fight for the world that he had found 

not be thrown away — indeed, that they so good. These two stand side by side 



shall have every chance for their lives 
compatible with victory. 

I want that fact to sink home in the 
breasts of the mass of men of all orders 
who will be called to the colors, for I 
have been on the ground where the 



of their experienced instructors one problem is being worked out, and I 

basic idea, and that is that we are at have been among hundreds of men who 

war. Not that we are preparing for will be called, and I know their fears 

war, but that we are at war. It is based on the experiences of the old vol- 

a sweeping change in attitude from unteer system with its rank favoritism, 
the old training camp days when we 



in the ranks, the older as proud as the 
younger of the new equality. 

On the surface these things do not 
appear. One has to dig deeply. But 
they are everlastingly there and they 
are that "atmosphere" of which I 
spoke. The process of stifling those 
who were not and never could be of 
that atmosphere began early, and, as I 
write is still going on. You cannot 
serve Caesar and the ideal which is 
ours at the same time. And those who 



were preparing for war perhaps. The T710RTUNATELY for the purpose of prefer Cassar are being sent back. 



change is evident in little things, but 
above all in the great fundamental 
determination to wipe out at one 
stroke in the personality and pre- 
vious attainments of the candidate 
everything but the man himself. The 
military life of every man who re 



J- this chronicle I reached Plattsburg 
on the day when the first thousands of 
student officers, after a week of shak- 
ing together, had been set free for rest 
and recreation. From little talks here 
and there, with men I had known, with 
men I was seeing for the first time, 



One man wanted a few days off to 
attend to his business. He had forgot- 
ten that he was now about his coun- 
try's business. He received an honor- 
able discharge on the spot, and even 
that was a concession. There were 
here and there cases of overanxiety 



ported at the bleak barracks on the with pairs, with groups; from a study which will wear off, of sheer exuber 

shores of Lake Champlain after the of their faces and of their bearing I 

preliminary weeding out process in his gained an indelible impression of seri- 
home territory, which in this case 



comprises New. York and New Eng- 
land, began the moment he reported 
for duty. His future lay thereafter 
in his own hands. In the mass I be- 
lieve that has been understood by the 
candidates for commissions. And that 
understanding in the mass cannot help 
but grow until it so dominates the 
place that the exception will be oblit- 
erated. 

That is the way "atmos- 
phere" is made in any 
great assemblage of men 
afield whether in the great 
games of peace or the 
greatest of all games now 
in its third year on the 
raw fields of Europe. And 
in such an atmosphere the 
man who hugs his indi- 
viduality cannot breathe. 
And yet, from Lieutenant 
Colonel Paul Wolf down 
there is not a regular 
army instructor at Platts- 
burg who does not realize 
that this is but half the 
problem. How to crush out 
of the candidate every- 
thing but the priceless 
kernel of his character, 
and so nourish that char- 
acter that it will develop 
leadership of an order 
never before demanded in 
such a branch of human 
activity in this country — 
that is the problem in its 
final form. Will it be 
solved? I believe so, bas- 
ing my judgment on even 



ousness. There were exceptions, of 
course, but in the main I found a real- 
ization of the task in hand among men 
of all classes, of all sort of previous 
attainments and experience, from the 
youngest to the oldest. There is as I 
write vividly before me the face of the 
young man just out of college, superb 
in his youth, ardent in his aspirations, 
who said: "I want my ticket for 



ance which will also wear off to a large 
extent without adversely affecting the 
morale of the men. Despite discom- 
forts due to the sudden, the tremend- 
ous, and in some ways unexpected 
growth of the post, it has so far been 
a happy encampment. Much has been 
said of the grinding work, but there is 
nothing in the schedule that need 
wear down men who are physically fit 
for it, and the intensive mental train- 
ing is well within the powers of the 



,.y. 



France." Hardly less vivid is the tense type of man who has been sent on by 

the examining boards. And 
I have never seen any 
course of study, even of 
the non-military order, 
better worked out to shift 
swiftly from theory to 
practise, and from prac- 
tise to theory. The mind is 
rested as the body swings 
into action, and the body 
relaxes as the mind takes 
up the burden. Tact, quan- 
tities of it, goes with the 
instruction every minute 
of every hour, and so far 
as such a quality may be 
passed on, it is being 
passed on here. Men are 
being taught not merely 
how to act, but to teach 
others how to act. 

I know not what better 
to call it than a famous 
football man once called it. 
"Coaching the coaches." 
It is that with this addi- 
tion, that the new coach 
must be also a personal 
leader. 

Just a word more about 
the real democracy of this 




MR. REED REVIEWING A PLATTSBURG SQUAD 




Paul Thovipson 



COACHING THE COACHES 



quota of officers-to-be. There are in 
the ranks day by day men who by 
virtue of previous instruction, prepa- 
ration and examination, much of it 
undergone at considerable personal sac- 
rifice, had already attained rank, some 
as high as major, in the Officers' 
Reserve Corps. They wear the in- 
signia and draw the pay of their 
rank, yet they ; re privates, and they 
must fight in competition with the 
veriest newcomer for the right to re- 
tain that rank or even a lower one in 
the New Army. The men at their side 
do not even salute them. And yet I 
have not heard one of them grumble. 
There have been obstacles, and seri- 
ous ones, to a quick getting under way, 
to the processes of even development. 
They included a shortage of food, a 
shortage of blankets, this a serious 
drawback in a country where nights 
are often bitterly cold at this time of 
year. No, there has not been enough 
to eat for men doing the work of these 
men. The fault is whose? I do not 
know; but this I do know, that it does 
not lie at this end of the line. Thus 



for some days the men have been stok- 
ing up on pie and cake and milk sup- 
plementary to the mess. They have 
been good-natured about it, for they 
have realized the size of the task here 
in taking- care of more than twice the 
number of men who had been antici- 
pated, and who have appeared suddenly 
and in batches of varying and in some 
cases not predetermined size. Here is 
the ermment of one of the men, and it 
is typical of the corps: 

"It has been pretty tough at times, 
but it will work out all right." 

Now, as every one knows, there are 
in the ranks men of great family names 
and great family fortunes. Their pres- 
ence is "news" to photographer and 
reporter, and there is no doubt that the 
appearance of their pictures and "spe- 
cials" about them in the newspapers 
has stimulated interest in this difficult 
undertaking thruout the land. In their 
own behalf, be it said, they have craved 
none of this publicity. In another day 
the continued following of their move- 
ments as individuals might be of ab- 



sorbing interest, but this is a serious 
business, and I venture to predict that 
in the future there will be less and 
less of individual news from this post, 
and more and more interesting "group" 
news. And this group news is new in- 
deed with the American people. So it 
would be as well for the reader to say 
good-by to the great names here in the 
ranks until such time as they thrust up 
out of those ranks thru their toil and 
their brains and the great good thing 
that is deep within them. Today they 
are as drab and dull and all but indis- 
tinguishable against the brownish back- 
ground of the parade ground as the 
shoemaker's son. 

How far can this thing go in the 
brief time allotted? No man can tell, 
but this I know, that the beginning 
has been good and that the promise is 
great. There is the "atmosphere," there 
is the democracy, and there is that 
vision of the shadowy millions who 
must not be cheated of their right, to 
back the promise. 

Piatt sburg, New York, June, 1917 




© American Press 




BUGLE CALL IN THE MORNING 



International Fil 



THE END OF A PLATTSBUEG DAY 



CARTOON COMMENT 







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THE PHOENIX 




Prawn lor The Independent by W. 0. Morris 

HOLD THE FORT! I AM COMING! 




Drawn for The Independent by W. O. Morris 



THE CAM, 



: •-•—-—. 




'READY, UNCLE SAM !" 




Drawn for The Independent hy W. C. Morris 

"WE MUST PAY WITH OUR BODIES FOR OUR SOULS' DESIRE"— THEODORE ROOSEVELT 




Dratcn tor The Independent oy W. 0. Morrit 



THE SHADOW 




Drawn for The Independent by W. 0. Morr 



ANOTHER INNOCENT SLAUGHTERED 



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Drawn for The Independent by W. 0. Morrti 



UNCLE SAM: "WELL, WILLIAM?" 




Drawn for The Independent by TV. 0. Morris 



'ONWARD WITH GOD" 







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Dratcn fer The Independent by IV. C. Morris 

THEY THAT TAKE THE SWORD SHALL PERISH WITH THE SWORD 



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PIPE DREAMS. 




Drawn for The Independent by W. C. Morris 



THE POSTMAN: "TWO MORE, SIRE" 



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DIE NACHT 

Der tag, "the day" to which German militarism for years looked eagerly forward as its goal, is rapidly darkening into night 



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THE DELUGE 



HER NEIGHBORS DISCUSS REVOLUTIONARY RUSSIA 




UPSETTING THE HoNEl POT THERE'S A LION IN THE WAY 

The Russian bear is being justly punished for trying to get Great Britain warns Russia, says the London •'People," that the 
utoay irith unearned sweets.— ''Westminster Gazette," London Prussian eagle's blandishments must not obscure the warring lion 



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A GERMAN VIEW AT A STANDSTILL FREEDOM? 

"Kladderadatseh," Berlin, rejoices in the Russia (to the Allies), "Well, boys, I'm Another German cartoon from "Kladder- 
Russian army's report of dissension — "and fixed! Wow it's up to you!" — a pessimistic adatsch." The branches on the tree of free- 
one company too drunk to fight at all" view from "Reynold's Newspaper," London dom represent the knout of slavery 















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A CZAR'S SOLILOQUY 

Nicholas is enjoying his vacation. "I see from the papers," he 
remarks to his icife. "that we stand a good chance yet of getting 
that old job of ours back again." — "Noii Hatirikon," Petrograd 



THE CARETAKERS 
What Armageddon has come to on the eastern front. A British 
comment on the enforced inactivity of the opposing Austrian 
and Russian armies. — "Sunday Evening Telegram," London 



PEACE PROPOSALS 







THE MILLENNIUM? 
Rogers of the New York "Herald" declares 
that the millennium is certainly here when 
the little Peace at any Price lamb lies down 
beside the German lion. The expressions of 
the Kaiser's cubs are well worth studying. 
The dove as an emblem of peace is not quite 
so fashionable as it used to be. Perhaps it 
is because drawing doves becomes tiresome 
after you have done, say, twenty or thirty. 
Perhaps the bird has been depicted so often 
of late in a battered condition that there 
is very little left of it. However, Kirby in the 
New York "World" remains true to the dove 
depicts the poor thing doing its best but 
heavily weighed down by a German helmet 




Darling of the New York "Trib- 
sees a delightful similarity 
between the Pope's proposal and 
the angel maid tcho attacks her 
work with the best will in the 
world and a highly commendable 
energy, but will have to learn, her 
anxious employers feel, to sweep 
under the bed. There are so many 
things there that must be cleared 
away before we can really have 
peace. Sweeping up the war is all 
very well, but it isn't enough. 
There are still a few scraps of 
paper which the excellent papal 
maid seems to have overlooked 



AN ANGEL IN DIFFICULTIES 

When the cartoonists get as good a chance 
as the Pope's proposal offered to represent 
peace as an angel they make the most of it. 
Pease in the Newark "Evening News" sees 
the angel of Enduring Peace entering the 
Bluebeard's closet of Prussianism and start- 
ing back aghast at the sight of the murdered 
wives: Honor, Mercy, Justice, Decency, 
Treaties, Pledges and International Laic. 
Yanderhem in the "Nieuwe Amsterdammer" 
depicts Peace as anxious to take the world up 
again in her arms but saying pathetically: 
"I can't see where I can get hold of it!" 
The Dutch cartoonist has preserved his 
neutrality with extreme care and skill 




STRAWS 




DOWN, DOWN, DOWN 
The inexorable command 
of Defeat, forcing the. 
Kaiser to relinquish hix 
ambitions of world vic- 
tory and descend into 
dark despair is graphical- 
ly presented (on the 
right) by Kirby of the 
New York '-World" The 
other cartoons on thi% 
page are from two repre- 
sentative London papers: 
they arc at the same time 
grim and humorous illus- 
trations of the growing 
popular impression that 
Germany's militant re- 
sources cannot possibly 
last much longer and that 
the German people arc 
at last becoming aroused 
against their present rule 




THE UNINVITED GUEST 
"/ have come to stay with you. 
dear Willielm, to the very end." 
says Famine to the shrinking 
Kaiser in the cartoon above. 
It uuis drawn by Owen Ares 
for the London "Passing Shoic" 

GERMANY'S MAN 

SHORTAGE 
The report that boys from 
thirteen to sixteen years old arc 
coming in among the German 
prisoners is the basis for this 
cartoon of G. E. Studdy's, pub- 
lished in the London "Passing 
Show." "Himniel," says the 
Prussian official, "How is it you 
hare not been called up before?" 




A WATCHED POT THAT 
SEEMS TO BE BOILING 

Popular disturbance is increasing 
in the German melting pot as the 
fire of internal troubles grows 
hotter, and the world looks on 
with increasing approval as the 
people prove that they hare a 
will of their own. Cartoon by 
Paul Benly in "London Opinion" 

GETTING WEAKER 
It is a rather optimistic forecast, 
this cartoon by G. E. Studdij, of 
Germany's V-boat campaign fail- 
ing fast. Hindenburg has dropt 
the sword of Ruthlessness to girc 
his attention to his pet patient, 
but V-boat seems nearly done for 



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AS WE GO TO WAR 




THE ADVENTURES OF BROTHER BRUIN 




England and Holland and Switzerland and Italy all contribute their viewpoints to this European council on Russia, opened by the 
London "Evening News" with a picture of Germany presenting the peace dove to Russia. Frits explains that "the elephant is thrown 
in with the dove!" At the right is "De Amsterdammer's" viae of the bear tempted by the wily fox to put his paw in the cleft oak 

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The Zurich "Nebelspalter" would, have Russia turn the tables on Germany. "This east wind will soon upset everything." And Italian 
confidence in Russia is exprest in "II 420," Florence, in Ivan's dismissal of the Kaisers proposals — "By your works I know you!" 




"The lovely tin of syrup" hides a bottle of poison in the Manchester "Sunday Chronicle's" cartoon of German peace proposals. The 
London "Sunday Telegram" interprets John Bull as saying: "Ah, my dear Iran, it takes time to get free. But you'll keep your ivord!" 



AIR RAIDS AND REPRISALS 




THE BOOMERANG 

Germany's increasingly successful Zeppelin attacks 
on London hare roused the British people to a vig- 
orous demand for reprisals. General Smuts, South 
African statesman and member of the British War 
Cabinet, struck the note of popular feeling when 
lie said: "We are dealing with an enemy whose 
culture has not carried him beyond the rudiments of 
the Mosaic laiv, to whom you can only apply the 
maxim of 'an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth.' " 
Roy, of the London "Evening News," has sketched 
below his interpretation of Germany's reactions 



A NEUTRAL'S RIGHTS 

"De Notenkraker," Amsterdam, pre- 
sents this cartoon of a somewhat ig- 
nored point of viexo on air raids. 
''Drop them here," says the aviators, 
"these are only the neutrals" 





IMMUNE? 
"Well, it's been a wonderful protection 
— so far!" comments the foxy Kaiser 
under the umbrella of "British For- 
bearance" in this cartoon by Wil- 
liams, published in "London Opinion" 




JOHN BULL: 'AFTER 'EM! THEY'VE ASKED FOR IT, AND WHAT THEY GET THEY'LL WELL DESERVE" 



IS THERE A FOOD CARD IN YOUR HOME? 



WIN THE FOOD FIGHT 
The food card campaign has 
beled every patriotic home 
thruout the country with the 
badge of membership in the 
Food Administration. "Fully 
Prepared" is Satterfield's ap- 
proving comment on the ladies' 
aid to Uncle Sam, illustrated 
by the cartoon above from the 
"Harrisburg Patriot." Pease 
in the "Newark Evening Neivs" 
(below) advises Congress to 
"Hurry Up With That Hoop." 




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IT'S UP TO MOTHER! 
The bad boys of the United 
States family, "Food Waste" 
and "Great American Appe- 
tite" are being sternly taken 
in hand by Uncle Sam. "It's 
Up to Mother to Tend to 
'Em," says Ding in the "New 
York Tribune." Rehse in the 
"New York World" (below) 
points out "The Order of Serv- 
ice" which toe must follow iv 
the international bread line 



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THREE SQUARE MEALS A DAY? 




The. two sides of our food problem: at the left, Unjust Prices scurrying down at the threat of Government Control — "Strange then 
couldn't do it until now!" says Ding in the New York "Tribune" ; and at the right, the task of the producer — Winsor McCay of the 
Neie York "American" shows Uncle Sam saying "Well Done!" to the farmer, bringing in tliis year's harvest. "The Open Door — 
but one to be watched," is Cesare's comment in the New York "Evening Pqst" mi Uncle Sam's storehouse of national resources 



COME ACROSS! 







WINNING OUR FIRST GREAT DRIVE 




There is an entertaining march of Liberty Loan recruits in Kirby's cartoon in the "Neiv York World." Ambrose in the 
"Rochester Post-Express" preaches a powerful sermon — "The Challenge" of Common Good to selfish Individual Interest 



GERMANY AFTER THREE YEARS OF IT 




China's declaration of war inspired Oesare's conception in the New York "Evening Post" of 1hc Wandering German expelled from 
yet another land. Kiruy of the Xeir York "World." sees the. Kaiser ladling out spoonful after spoonful of the soup of promises 



CLOSING IN ON HOHENZOLLERN 




AN EMBARGO THAT BEATS THE DUTCH 




HOLLAND TRYING HARD TO BE A "LITTLE FRIEND OP ALL THE WORLD" 
This neutral finds herself in a dilemma, according to "De Amsterdammer." which illustrates with tliis cartoon, of the small craft 
trying to steer between opposing perils a recent speech from the throne that "Our relations with all foreign powers remain friendly" 



HINTS TO HOUSEHOLDERS 




PUZZLE PICTURE : 
FIND THE COAL 

"Never mind even if you 
don't get the coal; the 
exercize will keep you 
warm," is the comforting 
placard of the govern- 
ment's coal hoard in 
England. But it doesn't 
seem to satisfy the house- 
holder. "Oh, What a 
Happy Land Is Eng- 
land!" is Roy's caption 
for it, published in the 
London "Evening News" 

RHONDDA'S RE- 
PRICE-ALL 

"The People," London, is 
responsible for the pun 
which titles the cartoon 
at the right. The Food 
Controller's offensive be- 
gins — butcher and baler 
succumb at the first shot 





THE SQUEALERS NEW TOOLS FOR THE BAKER 

This cartoon from the Cleveland "Plain Dealer" urges Uncle Sam An Italian comment on food regulations requiring an exact size 
to use food control against greed, extravagance and waste and weight for loaves of bread. Drawn by Grog for "II J^20" 




ANOTHER SAMSON 
The profiteer brings down upon himself 
his own destruction. Drawn by Stinson 
in the Dayton {Ohio) "Daily News" 



I'VE MET YOU BEFORE ! 

Cesare in the New York "Evening Post" 
represents Food Commissioner Hoover 
standing firm against exorbitant war pleas 



WHIP BEHIND, MISTER 
What chance has the poor consumer with 
profiteers, hoarders and speculators drag- 
ging him back? Ding in New York Tribune 



COURAGE, MON VIEUX ! 

HOW ADRIENNE, OF PROVENCE, REVEALED THE SPIRIT OF FRANCE 



IT was there at the station in Mar- 
seilles that we saw the thing 
which shall surely live longest in 
our memories, which — more than 
all the battlefields and hospitals in 
France — brought us face to face with 
the realization of what war really 
costs. 

As wc drove up we found the square 
packed with waiting ambulances and 
automobiles driven by soldier chauf- 
feurs. A number of the grands blesses, 
or the badly wounded, had just arrived 
from Geneva by way of Lyons, and 
were being unloaded here for distribu- 
tion thruout Provence. They were a 
part of the great exchange of crippled 
prisoners that is continually going on 
between France and Germany, thru the 
intermediary of neutral Switzerland. 
Tho entirely recovered, no one of them 
will ever fight again, for it is only the 
hopelessly crippled who are exchanged. 
We stood by the station entrance and 
watched them cross the narrow plat- 
form to the line of ambulances backed 
up to the curb. They came out of the 
door, a pitiful company, a hundred 
strong, and each man had lost a leg 
or an arm. Behind those who were 
walking or hobbling on crutches or 
canes came a line of wheel chairs with 
those who had lost both legs; and 
behind them — the blind. 

I do not know if other wars have left 
in their wake so much of that most 
hopeless of afflictions — blindness, but it 
is the most terrible and impressive re- 
sult of this war. A dozen of these poor 
sightless heroes, each supported by two 
orderlies, came thru the door of the 
station, out into the sunlit square. They 
felt the warm glow of the Provencal 
autumn, but they would never see its 
brilliance again. Their Provence, the 
"Empire of the Sun" as its children 
love to call it, could now only give to 
them its soft airs, its familiar sounds, 
and the warmth of its summer days. 
The brilliance of its mornings and the 
beauties of its nights, its rugged Alps 
and its lordly Rhone, and the sparkling- 
blue of its Mediterranean, are to be no 
more for them. 

The waiting crowd, silent and with 
uncovered heads, as if at mass, made 
a lane thru which the blind soldiers 
came. They stumbled over the flagging 
rnd down the steps w'th groping feet, 
and always, tho the orderlies guided 



BY HENRY G. DODGE 

them by the arms, their hands were 
stretched before them, open wide; 
hopeless, hesitating hands, distrustful 
of the dark. 

The last in line was a handsome boy 
not over twenty-one, a sub-lieutenant 
of the Chasseurs d'Afrique. His fair 
hair was pushed back from his fore- 
head by the black bandage over his 
eyes, his red fez was tipped to one side 
by another dressing on his head — and 
his right sleeve was empty. And tho 
there glittered on his breast the Mil- 
itary Medal and the Cross of the 
Legion of Honor, pinned there when 
he had crost the Swiss border into 
France, he was trembling from head to 
foot, and kept repeating over and over 
and over, "J'ai peur, j'ai peur, j'ai 
peur" — "I'm afraid, I'm afraid, I'm 
afraid." France had given him all she 
could— -but he was afraid of the dark. 

AND then that happened which 
■ changed the whole gruesome picture 
of horror and misery into something 
sublime. 

A girl stepped out of the crowd to 
the boy's side, put her arm about his 
waist, and took his groping hand in 
hers. She was no more than sixteen, 
beautiful with the dark, splendid, 
Greek beauty of the women of 
Provence — a girl of the people, who 
looked as tho she might have come into 
Marseilles that day from the country 
with her cartload of garden truck. 

"Courage, mon vieux," we heard her 
say, and the boy could feel, I am sure, 
the smile in her voice, even tho he 
could not see, as we could, her smiling 
and compassionate eyes. "Do not have 
fear. Let me walk with you." 

The orderly saluted and unhesitat- 
ingly stepped aside. The boy turned his 
bandaged eyes toward the girl and, as 
he felt the protecting arm about his 
waist and the strong hand closing over 
his, his trembling ceased, his shoulders 
went back, and what had been a ter- 
rified child became a soldier again. It 
was the woman's touch that he had 
been needing — the hand and the word 
of encouragement of a woman of his 
own France — during the agonizing 
days in the hospital, and the long ter- 
rifying train journey in the darkness. 

"Courage, mon vieux!" It was the 
spur to make him a soldier again. One 



does not show fear before a woman. 
He took the few steps across the pave- 
ment to the waiting ambulance with 
steady and confident feet, his head 
turned always toward the sound of the 
voice at his side, and as he walked he 
smiled into the girl's face. How long it 
had been since he had smiled! 

They came to the curb; and as she 
released an arm and an orderly stood 
ready to guide his foot to the step of 
the ambulance, he turned to the girl 
and paused a moment, with trembling 
lips. He raised his hand half way to 
the salute, and stopped. 

"What do you call yourself, my 
friend?" he said. 

"Adrienne, my lieutenant," she re- 
plied softly, still smiling. 

There was no trace of coquetry in 
her voice or in her bearing. She stood, 
slim and straight, before him, like a 
soldier before his superior officer. 

The boy whipped off the red fez from 
his blond head and tucked it under the 
empty sleeve pinned to his breast. His 
hand went out and found her shoulder, 
as she instinctively stepped nearer to 
him, a look of incredulous wonder upon 
her uplifted face. 

"Merci, Adrienne" he said huskily, 
and bent and kissed her upon both 
cheeks. 

THE little peasant drew herself up 
like a queen, but her eyes were full 
of tears and for a moment she could 
not speak. Then, tremblingly but 
proudly : 

"Merci, mon lieutenant." 

Her hands were clasped together 
upon her breast and on her face was 
the look of Jeanne d'Arc standing be- 
fore the Vision. The boy took his seat 
in the ambulance and as it swung away 
from the curb his hand went to the 
salute, and his bandaged eyes turned 
toward the spot where she was stand- 
ing. And until the car disappeared into 
the traffic beyond the station gates we 
could still see his erect figure and his 
hand raised to his forehead. 

The girl stood motionless, looking 
after him, until he was out of sight, 
her face transfigured and her dark eyes 
still brilliant with tears. She had not 
been kissed; she had been decorated, 
and she wore the red badge of her 
glory in her flaming cheeks as proudly 
as the blind boy soldier wore the red 
ribbon of the Legion of Honor upon his 
breast. 



BATTLE 


POEMS 


BY WILFRID 


WILSON GIBSON 


THE RETURN 




THE QUIET 


He went, and he was gay to go; 




I could not understand the sudden quiet — 


And I smiled on him as he went. 




The sudden darkness — in the crash of fight, 


My boy, 'twas well he couldn't know 




The din and glare of day quenched in a twinkling 


My darkest dread, nor what it mean — 




In utter starless night. 


Just what it meant to smile and smile 




I lay an age and idly gazed at nothing, 


And let my son go cheerily — 




Half-puzzled that I could not lift my head; 


My son . . . and wondering all the while 




And then I knew somehow that I was lying 


What stranger would come back to me. 




Among the other dead. 



WAR— BY THE WAY 




© Medem Photo Ser 



THE ONLY SON LEFT 

SOLDIER TELLING HIS OLD MOTHER HOW HIS THREE BROTHERS FOUGHT AND DIED FOR FRANCE 




Two 'French youngsters, whose father has been killed in the trenches, are telling one of father's comrades all about it 



PARIS WITH A DIFFERENCE 

LEAVES FROM A WAR-TIME NOTE-BOOK 



The First Leaf 

THE BEAUTY 

AND THE CHARM 

OF PABIS 



TO draw the portrait of a great 
city is as nearly impossible as 
to "indict a whole people." The 
task demands too huge a canvas. 
The drawing must be done at the same 
time with too broadly sweeping strokes 
and with too much meticulous detail. I 
would paint a picture of Paris after 
fourteen months of war. But the thing 
cannot be done. I can only tear out of 
my notebook leaves filled with rough 
notes and random sketches. 

One can im- 
agine many 
reasons for 
coming to Paris 
at any time — 
some good, 
some not so good, some far from good. 
But there is one that ought to over- 
shadow all the rest — that Paris is 
beautiful. It is beautiful itself, and it 
is full of beautiful things. Now the 
beautiful things are hidden away in 
these uncertain days, but for the 

rest 

To stand in the Place du Carrousel 
and look up the splendid stretch of the 
Champs Elysees to the culminating 
majesty of the Arc de Triomphe is to 
marvel at the creative genius of man 
and to wonder that he has been willing 
to make so many cities of the world 
commonplace and consecreated to the 
dreary god of utility. To drive about 
the city in a fiacre — thanks be to the 
war that has taken away so many 
swooping , motor taxis and brought 
back so many of their leisurely, cosy 
predecessors — and catch glimpse after 
glimpse of fine vistas framing stately 
churches and dignified public build- 
ings, of splendid parks, of worthy 
monuments, of broad spaces and noble 
avenues, is to record upon the tablets 
of the mind an indelible impression — ■ 
Paris the beautiful. 

This impression the war has done 
nothing to efface; nor can it — unless 
and until the enemy shall succeed in 
meting out to Paris the grievous fate of 
Rheims. The beauty of Paris is un- 
scathed; the charm of Paris — ah, that 
is another thing. But here I hesitate. 
To say that Paris has lost its charm 
is to say too much. But it is only by 
saying something like that that I can 
express what I mean. But let us 
change it a little. The beauty of Paris 
persists ; the charm of Paris is veiled, 
hidden, supprest. For beauty and 
charm, I take it, are two things. A 
statue in cold marble or a body in cold 
flesh may have beauty; only a warm 
and living woman can have the more 
precious attribute. It was not until the 
kiss of the Prince fell upon her lips 
that the beauty of the Princess was in- 
fused with charm. Paris is not dead — 
but surely Paris sleeps. Where are the 
gayety, the lightness of heart, the 
sparkle, the verve — in a word, the 
charm, of yesteryear? 



BY HAROLD HOWLAND 



It is inevitable 
that a visit to 
Paris after 
London in 
these dun days 
should provoke 



The Second Leaf 

A NOT 
ILL-NATURED 
COMPARISON 



comparison. The temptation is irre- 
sistible, but in yielding to it I would be 
absolved from the charge of invidious- 
ness. The comparison is inevitable, but 
so is the difference. For Paris has 
heard the guns of the enemy clamoring 
at the gates. London, save for the ir- 
ritating but on the whole negligible 
stings of the enemy's insect swarm, is 
untouched. Paris is the capital of a 
land whose richest acres lie in the 
alien's grasp. London is the heart of 
a country lying inviolate behind the 
walls of oak now turned to steel. 
England knows war at arm's length, 
France feels it gnawing at her vitals. 

Curiously enough, while London is 
full of soldiers, Paris is empty of them. 
London streets swarm with them, 
London restaurants are yellow with 
khaki, London music halls draw half 
their income, at a snap guess, from 
Tommy — and his officers. You sit be- 
side them on the busses and in the tube 
trains, you stumble over them on the 
grass in the parks. Half the girls in 
London hang on uniformed arms, half 
the people in your hotel seem to have 
come up from the country to consort 
with soldier sons and brothers and 
husbands and sweethearts on leave. 

But in Paris the soldier is, compar- 
atively speaking, infrequent on the 
boulevards and avenues, in restaur- 
ants, theaters, cafes and hotels. In the 
French capital the misty blue of the 
uniform puts accents into the picture; 
in the British capital the greeny yel- 
low of the khaki mellows the picture's 
entire tone. 

The soldiers of Paris are different, 
too. The boys in khaki look just that — 
boys who have put on khaki as a new 
dress and are not yet quite accustomed 
to it. The men in blue wear their blue 
as tho they had spent years instead of 
weeks in it, as tho they had worked 
and lived and, perhaps, suffered in it. 
Their uniforms are worn and faded — 
and many of the faces match the 
clothes. There is just the difference. 
England has a great army in the mak- 
ing; France has a great army in being, 
which has toiled and fought, and still 
goes back to toil and fight again. It is 
the masses of the material being 
molded into the new British army that 
one sees in London; in Paris it is bits 
of the splendid French war machine, 
released for a moment from their ap- 
pointed places in the mechanism. For 
France has been forced by geographical 
position and the grim shadow over its 
frontier of a threatening militarism to 
be a military nation. England, snug 



The Third Leaf 

ALONG 

THE STREETS 

OP PAEIS 



behind the ramparts of the British 
fleet, could wait to create its army 
when the need should arise. 

Another suggestion of the same dif- 
ference. On every bare space in Lon- 
don flaunts a gaudy poster, one of a 
hundred different designs, exhorting 
loyal Englishmen to enlist to fight for 
king and country. In Paris here and 
there hang the torn remnants of a 
single uniform announcement tersely 
declaring that general mobilization is 
ordered for midnight on the second of 
August, 1914. England called, and still 
calls with ever greater earnestness, 
for volunteers. France merely notified 
men trained and ready that the hour 
had struck. 

An entirely 
adequate reason 
for coming to 
Paris at any 
time is to flaner 
— the word is 
untranslatable, but the act of con- 
templative loitering, of philosophic 
idling, has a universal human ap- 
peal. The streets of Paris are the 
flaneur's Promised Land. A Barmecide 
shopping tour — but that is tautology, 
for all shopping as distinguished from 
buying has the exotic and insubstan- 
tial quality of a Barmecide feast — 
skirting the treasure houses of the 
Rue de la Paix, or among the antique 
shops of the Boulevard St. Germain 
and the Quartier Latin, or thru the 
haunts of tomorrow's fashions in the 
Faubourg St. Honore, or by the print 
shops of the Rue de Rivoli and on the 
Rive Gauche, provides the stuff the 
flaneur's dreams are made of. He loves 
a sentimental journey among the em- 
bodiments of feminine charm that 
throng the Elysian Fields and the Wood 
of Boulogne on an afternoon of early 
fall sunshine, falling in love at first 
sight a dozen times in an hour and out 
again as promptly at the first sight of 
the next comer. The hour of the appe- 
tizer, that twilight interval between 
the business of the day and the busi- 
ness of the evening, is the flaneur's 
hour. Then he takes his ease at his 
sidewalk cafe over a long drawn out 
glass of coffee, a strop au vin blanc, 
the insidious essence of wormwood, or 
the incomprehensible sugar and water. 
Then he surveys the passing world 
with a reflective eye and finds it good. 
But nous avons change tout cela. 
Or more accurately, the gods of war 
have changed it all. Paris is too sober 
to flaner, too sombre to flaner in. 
Many of the shops are closed — "closed 
on account of mobilization" runs the 
legend on the shutters. Practically all 
of them lock their doors for a couple 
of hours in the middle of the day be- 
cause of a depleted staff. It is not good 
form to buy lavishly and to indulge in 
luxuries. France needs the last sou in 
the toe of the last stocking-bank; and 



when a nation is sternly practising 
self-denial it is no time for the indi- 
vidual to spend with a careless hand. 
So one fldners among the shops, if one 
does it at all, shamefacedly and a little 
furtively; and one does it almost alone, 
for Frenchmen have no heart for busi- 
ness. 

The restaurants and cafes are de- 
serted. I use the word not carelessly 
and figuratively, but with deliberate 
literalness. It is not so in London; but 
in Paris it is. Not only the smart ones — 
that was to be expected, but the sim- 
ple, every day ones — that is almost 
pathetic. 

Even the streets seem strange for 
Paris, where the streets ought to be 
gay. There are no men of military age 
— ga va. sans dire — for Frenchmen all 
are soldiers now. There are no motor 
busses hurtling thru the streets — and 
Paris without these Juggernauts is 
safer surely, but hardly natural. Once 
out near the front I found the reason 
why. An old familiar shape came 
trundling down the road, familiar and 
yet odd in grim war gray with bulging 
load of precious war supplies. Mobliza- 
tion has taken the busses too. 

The streets by night — a greater dif- 
ference still. The picture that the 
words "Paris by night" call up — ga 
n'existe plus — there is no such a thing. 
In place of brilliancy we find a grue- 
some dusk; in place of pleasure hunt- 
ing throngs, hurrying or loitering as 
the purpose suits, a sprinkling of 
passers-by, groping their way toward 
home or other goal. The sidewalk 
groups of chairs and tables outside 
cafes that make in better times the 
outdoor life of Paris a thing to conjure 
with are empty now. None sit and sip 
and chat and watch life flowing by. 
Those that are left go early home to 
bed. 



After three 
weeks of Lon- 
don, punctuated 
by four pleas- 
ant little visits 
from earth- 



The Fourth Leaf 

THE CHANGING 



THE GUARD 



other from the opposite compass point. 
No weariness to this one's flight; it 
shoots along like cloth-yard shaft from 
good yew bow. They meet and pass 
and vanish, each to its appointed goal. 

It is the changing of the guard. 
Each hour of the day — and night as 
well, as you shall see — four faithful 
birds like these mount guard above the 
city, and sail and dart and skim about, 
and watch and watch and watch. If 
need arise they can do more than 
watch, for to swift wings they add 
sharp beaks and ruthless claws. 

It is my last night in Paris, a "won- 
derful clear night of stars." Loitering 
across the Place de la Concorde to my 
hotel, my head is in the air. It always 
fascinates when in a distant land to 
con the stars and find all there the old 
familiar ones of home. Jupiter, an in- 
candescent globe, commands the sky. 
But what's that other star just there 
that glows as bright as he? The 
planets do not shine in pairs like that. 
And look! This one has moved, is 
gliding steadily across the sky. Right 
overhead it goes from east to west. 
Once past the zenith it begins to 
shrink, and dwindles slowly to a point 
of light that presently snuffs out. But 
soon the point of light is there again, 
growing' and growing till this second 
planet rivals Jupiter again. Then once 
more it shrinks and vanishes off in the 
east. 

Again it is the changing of the 
guard. Our lawless planet waning and 
waxing and waning again is but a 
biplane watching with sleepless eye 
above the sleeping city. No hostile air- 
craft minded to drop its bombs on 
helpless folk but shall run a gantlet 
perilous. Come it by day or come by 
night, the guard is there, waiting and 
watching and ready armed to fight. 
One reads of London raids, "our aero- 
planes went up." In Paris, if the raid 
should ever come, "our" aeroplanes are 
up. 



quake-dropping Zeppelins, and other 
three weeks of Paris with tranquil 
nights and no sign of hostile visitors, 
one finds oneself wondering. Why the 
difference? Paris is only half as far 
from the enemy's lines as London. It 
offers as fair a mark. Why no bombs 
for months and months? Gradually one 
gets a glimmering of a possible expla- 
nation. 

Each afternoon between four and 
six a little spectacle is staged that 
never fails to fascinate. If I am in my 
hotel room a giant humming comes 
dropping down the central court on 
which my windows look. It sounds like 
nothing but a monster vacuum cleaner 
hard at work. It never fails to draw 
me to the street. There overhead a 
monster bird wings its way across the 
sky. Slowly, perhaps a little wearily, 
it flies, from east of north to west of 
south. It comes from out that quarter 
where the fighting is. Then comes an- 



The Fifth Leaf 

LE DERNIER CRI 



Among those 
many reasons 
for coming to 
Paris what 
more compell- 
ing one than to 
see the fashions. It is only in Paris 
that one finds le dernier cri, the style 
not of yesterday nor even of today, 
but of tomorrow and the day after. As 
I write, I find in a morning journal a 
complaint from manufacturers in 
Switzerland that they are in perplex- 
ity about modes, "because Paris, which 
used to give the lead in regard to in- 
novations, does not do so now." It is a 
sad predicament for the rest of the 
world. It cannot be fashionable, for 
there is no one to set the fasion. Paris 
has laid aside for a sterner task its 
time-honored leadership in the gentle 
art of dressing as everybody else does 
now in order to dress as nobody else 
did last year. 

So it would seem. But Paris is in- 
corrigible. The habit of le dernier cri 
is ineradicable. 



It shows itself in many little ways. 
For instance, it is the new fashion — 
an inflexible code — not to linger at din- 
ner in a public place after half past 
ten. (Besides the lights go out.) There 
is no longer any evening dress; for 
men the morning suit for dining out 
and for the theater, for women the 
tailor made in somber tones. 

These be new fashions, but there is 
one more striking than all — and more 
popular. It is a simple style, not de- 
pending for its effect upon exaggerated 
lines or startling color schemes. One 
sees it everywhere. One cannot pass a 
dozen women on the street that one of 
them does not affect this newest mode. 
It is a versatile style, adaptable for 
morning wear, the home, the street, 
receptions, luncheons, dinner, for work, 
for leisure, for every kind of life — 
save one, I think. One does not play in 
it, for if one wears it one is disinclined 
to play at all. 

It's chic, this style; what mode 
Parisienne is not? It has that grace of 
line, that artistry of cut, all that 
I-know-not-what that proves the 
French modiste an artist, not an 
artizan. 

All classes wear it, from the gra- 
cious femme du monde, costumed by 
Paquin, to the pert midinette, whose 
dress is but the product of her nim- 
ble fingers and the midnight oil. I' 
is worn by young and old; but more 
it seems, by young than old — a start- 
ling, saddening thing. In fabric and 
design it is a varied style, only in color 
is it uniform. There persists a dread- 
ful monotone. For it is black, all black, 
unvaried, unrelieved. 

It is the widow's costume. On every 
street, in every shop, one almost thinks 
in every home, the widows of the men 
of France who give their lives that 
France may live wear the glorious 
dread regalia of their sacrifice. 

Thus my rough 
notes on Paris. 
But what of 
France? With 
what spirit do 
the people of 



The Last Leaf 

AND WHAT 



FRANCE? 



the pleasant land face the future and 
the task that still is theirs? 

For the answer to such a question 
one cannot give chapter and verse. One 
does not find the whole answer any- 
where — one finds its elements every- 
where. It is in the air like the tone of 
a vibrant autumn day. It thrills the 
nerves like a charged electric atmos- 
phere. 

It is sad to see France so changed. 
But France is not sad. France suffers 
but its spirit does not quail. France 
bleeds but its courage mounts only the 
higher. 

France has but one mind, exprest in 
the word of the Apostle, "This one 
thing I do." France is stoical under its 
affliction, united in its unflinching 
purpose, aroused, unfaltering, deter- 
mined. Whatever may be the outcome, 
France will endure to the end. 

Paris, November, 1915 




What the soldier in the trenches 
sees in war — a group of pencil 
sketches draiun by the men who 
are defending France. "Patrol dur- 
ing the night" (at the top of the 
page) is an effective picture of a 
sentry's grim loneliness. It was 
drawn by George Victor Hugo, 
grandson of the author of "Les 





Miserables." In the center is the 
French for "Gunga Din" — E. 
Blanche's sketch of a soup and bread 
carrier in the first line trenches. 
The ruins of a church in France 
(in the loiver left-hand corner) 
typify to A. Franquet the pity and 
the necessity of this war. The last 
sketch, "The End," is by Sereagny 



Mb 





(c) International Film Press illustrating American Press 

"Tea-diggers" may be the official title of the men in these trenches who are blending £8,000 pounds of tea for the army 




THIS TIME THE ZEPPELINS PASSED ! 
But English homes have each their underground shelter now to protect the women and children left at home from Prussian air raids 




Underwood & Underwood 

The man ivho pushed Greece off the fence and King Constantine from his throne. Ex-Premier Venizelos reviewing his troops 




Underwood & Underwood 

This lift, swung from ship to shore, is one of numerous new devices to make it easier for 



vounded soldiers sent home 




Where the Greek revolution came to a head-the harbor and city of Salonica photographed from an Allied aeroplane 





hoael <fc Herbert 



Ventral News 



SITUATIONS WANTED 

Since the Russian revolution Grand Duke Michael, once com- Would you say that the Czar was up a stump? This photograph 
mander of the Russian army, has been playing golf in France shows him in prison at TsarsJcoe-Selo. Later he ivas sent to Siberia 




© International Film _ „_ 

ANOTHER KING OUT OP A JOB 
Constantine of Greece in exile in Switzerland with his two daughters and eldest son; the second son is nominal ruler of Greece 





© Underwood & Underwood 

A REPUBLIC IN THE 
MAKING 
First photographs of the Rus- 
sian revolution, the sidelights 
that give body and color to the 
salient facts. The ruined prison 
above, for instance, expresses 
graphically the first eager im- 
pulse of the successful rebels 
to destroy their bonds. At the 
left is the soldiers' banner car- 
ried in the funeral procession 
for the martyrs to Russian 
freedom. The Red Cross sister 
and officer of the new govern- 
ment, on the other side, are 
standing in what was a dun- 
geon for enemies of Czardom 





© Underwood & Underwood 

A new page in history — the first session of soldier-deputies in the Duma. The Czar's portrait is torn from, its frame 




Pml Thompson 

Here's a stbnul 
$12240 worth 



r.srJt»,r^«^ 




In fact the farm horse's days are numbered, for the tractor is the man-o] '-all-work on American 
plow, harrow, seed and cultivate, do all the heavy hauling, and even entertain the- summer 



farms nowa 
boarders by 



days. It can 
a hay ride 



H : 




m 



c> \ 

X . ■ ^ 
f-r) 

r" 
hi 

c ,-, ;' 



A war medal for war 
relief; it is given by 
the Belgian Govern- 
ment, without distinc- 
tion of nationality, to 
those ivhose charity in 
ivartime has helped 
save the life of Bel- 
gium. Elizabeth, Queen 
of the Belgians, is spon- 
sor for the medal. On 
the reverse side is a 
symbolic design, Char- 
ity in the shadow of 
misfortune, still keeping 
her light burning and 
caring untiringly for 
the sick and wounded 



■h" ^v'c 




od & Underwood 



Vndertcood & Underwood 




Central NewB 

War has its picturesque and pleasant phases. "The Gleaners" by Millet repeated in the fields of northern France, where 
a couple of Canadian Tommies are strengthening the "entente cordiale" and incidentally helping finish off the Jiarvesting 




FRANCE— THE HARVEST OF 1916 




© Inter?iational'Film 

Signs of the times: several close-ups of the 
New York protest parades against the high 
cost of eating. Mrs. Ida Harris, holding the 
verse below, has carried the hunger campaign 
into Wall Street by noon mass meetings 




KEEP RIOT 
YDU5IM5 




© American Press 

The biggest anti-starvation mass meeting in 
New York was held in Madison Square, its 
placard propaganda in fall view of Fifth 
Avenue. The Mothers' Anti-High Cost League 
led a demonstration up the avenue later 




American Press 

One explanation of the high prices for food. TJiese railroad yards are a fair sample of freight congestion in the East 




awst-s^s? £,<izs?& ir a^UArsafiffir ass s\t ss 




"Camouflage" again. Seen thru field glasses this ammunition shelter looks like a chicken coop of no strategic importanct 



ft*;, *IM 


^^■L «L ^*» .1 


iEI 


i Vp^i 


^1 ^^a,^^ 



THE BATTALION OF DEATH 

The regiment of Russian women, which has seen 
active service of the most terrible kind on the east- 
ern front, was organized by lime. Batchkalev (on 
the left). She fought first in the regular Russian 
army, then conceived the idea of a regiment of 
women, received permission to form it and became 
its colonel. She has been wounded and is decorated 
with many medals. The women fight with heroism 
and with fury. The Germans are said to fear them 
far more than the Russian men. Other women's 
battalions were later formed with the approval 
of the War Department. Any woman over sixteen 
who can present certificates of character, education 
and citizenship is eligible. If the recruits pass the 
rigid physical examination they are initiated into 
the regulations of the battalion and sworn in. They 
wear the regulation uniform and accept the exist- 
ing military rules, and, in addition, nine others 
ichich show with what terrible earnestness they 
have entered upon their undertaking. "All the mem- 
bers of the battalions are bound to observe the fol- 
lowing: 1. First of all, the honor, freedom and 
welfare of the country. 2. Iron discipline. 3. Firm- 
ness and stedfastness of spirit and purpose. .£. 
Bravery and recklessness. 5. Precision, accuracy, 
persistency and rapidity in the execution of orders, 
(i. Absolute honesty and a serious attitude toward 
the tvork. 7. Cheerfulness, politeness, kindness, 
sympathy, cleanliness and punctuality. 8. Consid- 
eration for the opinion of others, the fullest mutual 
confidence and nobility of purpose. 9. Quarrels anC 
personal feuds arc inadmissible as degrading. Those 
guilty of breaking the above rules shall be subjected 
to the most rigorous punishment for disgracing the 
name of the Russian woman." Stern rules indeed! 
© Underwood & Undcnvood 







IN GERMANY'S PRISON CAMPS 

There is illustration for both sides of the discussion as to Germany's treatment of rear prisoners in these photographs, brought over 
by an American woman recently living in Berlin. The Englishmen at Ruleben (on the left) prove by their faces, as well as by the 
poster, that their condition is fairly enjoyable. But the quarters of French prisoners (on the right) present a rather different picture 




THE TASK OF FEEDING FIFTEEN THOUSAND RUSSIANS 
Can prisoners win the war? These breadlines of Russian soldiers in Germany suggest one way to complicate the enemy's troubles 




An American receiv- 
ing the highest honor 
that France can bestow. 
A. Piatt Andrews, 
chief of the American 
Ambulance, decorated 
with the cross of the 
Legion of Honor and 
receiving, with a truly 
Anglo - Saxon expres- 
sion, the accompanying 
kiss on both cheeks 

Mine siveeping is the 
most dangerous of all 
the dangerous jobs up- 
on the sea. It calls not 
only for physical en- 
durance and courage, 
but for strong nerves 
to stand the terrible 
strain of always watch- 
ing, watching. These 
are men of the "Crest," 
hauling up a mine 

© International Film 




Underwood & Underwood Pictorial Press 

A British wiring party going up to string a line. They use iron rods with corkscrew ends instead of poles 



WARTIME LEADERS 




ENGLAND'S MAN OF THE HOUR— LLOYD-GEORGE 




© Underwood <£ Underwood 

GENERAL JOHN J. PERSHING, COMMANDER OF THE UNITED STATES ARMY OVERSEAS 




© 1317 bv Lotave 



THE HERO OF THE MAKNE— FIELD MARSHAL JOFFRE 




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"The man ivho put the rush in Russia" — Premier Alexander Kerensky, ivho checked the rise of anarchy, led the troops to 
a brilliant victory, and organized the republic — only to be driven out of power by German intrigue and the Bolsheviki 




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General Cadorna, who led the successful Italian advance toward Triest in the summer of 1917. This photograph 
shows the Italian commander with one of his aides reviewing some of his troops from an army aeroplane 




© International Film 

THE FOOD ADMINISTRATOR. HERBERT HOOVER 




THE MEN WHO GUIDE AMERICA 
This photograph of President Wilson and his Cabinet teas talcen in August. 1917, outside the executive offices of the White Souse. 
In the front row, left to right, are William C. Red-field. Secretary of Commerce: Robert Lansing. Secretary of State; David F. 
Houston. Secretary of Agriculture: President Wilson : William G. McAdoo. Secretary of the Treasury; Albert S. Burleson, Postmaster 
General. In the top row. left to right, are Josephus Daniels, Secretary of the Xavy: William B. Wilson. Secretary of Labor; 
Newton D. Baker, Secretary of War; Thomas W. Gregory. Attorney General, and Franklin K. Lane, Secretary of the Interior 




AMERICA'S REPRESENTATIVE IN THE ALLIED WAR COUNCIL— COLONEL E. M. HOUSE 




© Pirie Macdonald 



THEODORE ROOSEVELT 




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HENRY P. DAVISON— DIRECTOR OF THE RED CROSS WAR COUNCIL 




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THE MEN WHO MADE MILITARISM 



Field Marshal Paul von Hindenburg, Chief of the German General Staff, is a dreamer. He sees the world as a great battlefield: 
nations as being organized to wage wars; men as being created to fight. Rivers, mountains, forests and roads mean nothing to him 
unless they possess strategic possibilities. Nature must be adaptable to war to fulfil its highest functions. With maps a/nd soldiers 
von Hindenburg plans his gigantic military campaigns. If it were not for General Ludendorff (at the right). First Quartermaster 
of the Teutonic forces, von Hindenburg's dreatns would never come true. He makes rivers and mountains fortresses. Mines and 
factories he converts into war engines. Ludendorff executes what his superior creates. In August, 1914, von Hindenburg was living 
in Hanover as a retired general. He had been out of the army several years because he "defeated'' the Kaiser in war maneuvers. 
Before this tear no one ever heard of Ludendorff. Today these ttco men are the uncrowned Napoleons of Germany, Austria-Hungary, 
Bulgaria and 'Turkey. Nearly twenty million soldiers are pawns on their chessboards. These two men are the parents of Militarism 




THE AGGRESSOR 



THE KINGS MUST GO 

Editorial Comment From The Independent 



WHOM THE GODS WOULD DESTROY 



ANCIENT history closed at midnight of July 31, 1914. 
The monstrous war with which modern history 
begins will end, as the big and little wars of the 
^ old days did. This is hard to realize now, but the 
sooner those men upon whom will fall the duty of shaping 
a new order of things begin to think about their problem, 
the better it will be for all concerned. 

There will be some accounts to be settled after peace is 
declared, and the biggest one will be that which Enlighten- 
ment has against Medievalism. 

Whatever causes of strife may have been lurking in the 
minds of the peoples of Europe, they would not have massed 
and exploded in this demoniac war without the agency of 
the Head Devils. Race differences there are. Conflicting na- 
tional interests there are. The growth of populations already 
dense, and looking for new opportunities for enterprise and 
livelihood, has been disturbing economic equilibrium. Re- 
ligious antagonisms have fostered hatred. But none of these 
things by itself, nor all of them in combination, would have 
made war if the consuming vanity, the monstrous egotism 
and the medieval-mindedness of the absolute monarchs had 
not been thrown into the scale. 



When the work of devastation is done there will be left 
the stricken, sobered peoples. Every family will have lost 
father or son, husband or brother. Resources will have been 
swept away. Industry will be paralyzed. Farms will have 
been stripped, villages, towns and cities desolated. But for- 
titude and courage will be left, and men will set themselves 
about the task of building a new civilization. 

They will not be tolerant then of pious hypocrites assert- 
ing divine right, and claiming to be vicegerents of God. 
They will not be tolerant of taxes for the wanton expendi- 
tures of royal families. They will not deprive themselves of 
the necessaries of life to enrich the manufacturers of artil- 
lery and powder. They will cross these items from their 
ledgers, and turn their attention to the creation of a social 
order under which men and women who are content to dwell 
peaceably on their own reservations can enjoy liberty and 
pursue happiness. 

Whom the gods would destroy they first make mad. Mad 
with the lust of power, drunk with their own egotism, the 
Head Devils have signed their own doom. Their days are 
numbered. The monarchs must go — and they will. 

August 10, 19H 



DAIMONS 



A YEAR ago we said, "The kings must go, the good ones 
with the bad ones," and we added, "they will go." 

They are not gone yet, not even the bad ones, not even 
the unforgivable ones, who, from their swaggering dissolute 
youth planned the murder of men by millions which now, 
in fulfilment of public boasts made long ago, they are per- 
petrating. But it took a long time to make kings, and it 
may take a longish time to unmake them. We have seen no 
reason to abandon our prophecy. Only now, after a year 
of observation and reflection, we have to emphasize more 
strongly the word of obligation. The kings must go. 

Kings were begotten by superstition in the womb of war. 
Primitive men feared their strong men not as dynamos, but 
as "daimons"; the same thing, but different. They were full 
of the awful "mana," the divine dynamic of the super- 
natural frightfulness. In the most literal sense of the words, 
they ruled by divine right. In war their value was supreme 
because they were "devils of fellows." Their chief business 
was to terrify their foes. 

It has already been their chief business. It would be their 
chief business now if there were as many superstitious 
people in the world now as there used to be. The people 
that still believe in kings are the people who, in their secret 
hearts, still reverence kings. The kings that still believe in 
themselves still think of themselves as "daimons." They do 



not doubt that they are "possest and inspired." To those 
of us who believe such stuff no longer they are the same 
thing, but different. We change "ai" to "e" in our spelling. 
They are "demons." 

They are demons because their one birthright and normal 
function is to be frightful in war. That is the one thing 
they can do better than anybody else. If a nation is to give 
itself over to militarism it should on all accounts have a 
king. If its proper business and its ideals are the business 
and the ideals of peace it should quietly, humanely and by 
due process of law get rid of monarchy. The sovereignty 
of a war-making empire dwells in the "mana." The sov- 
ereignty of a peace-abiding nation resides in its people. 

The kings must go. There can be no security for civiliza- 
tion while men who believe that their thoughts and their 
purposes are divine, and therefore of higher authority than 
the consciences and the covenants of ordinary men, are per- 
mitted to rule. Why should not king or emperor make war 
to save his dynasty from overthrow, his house from profana- 
tion? Would any other course be less than impious? 

Between the sovereignty of the "mana," the "daimon," 
the "demon," and the sovereignty of conscience, of reason, 
of humanity, there can be no compromise. One or the other 
must go. August %, 1915 



AND THERE SHALL BE NO MORE KINGS 



EUROPEAN nations have been taking a surprizing in- 
terest in the United States of late. They all cultivate 
our friendship, they appeal to our sympathies, they seek to 
justify their actions in our eyes. This is a gratifying change 
from the open hostility or amused contempt with which 
American ideals and opinion used to be regarded in Europe 
and we welcome it as indicating a better understanding and 
consequently a more cordial relation between the two hemi- 
spheres than has prevailed in the past. But such an under- 
standing cannot be attained by assuming as a basis a false 
unanimity of sentiment. We would gladly aid in bridging 
the gulf between Europe and America, but we would not 
begin by denying that any gulf exists. Frankness is the 
only true foundation of friendship and it seems to be nec- 
essary to make plain that we Americans differ very de- 
cidedly from many Europeans on the fundamental principle 
of government. There is in much of what we read about 
America, even in what is written expressly for the purpose 
of winning American sympathy, an unconscious assumption 
that we have practically abandoned our republicanism and 
are willing to tolerate if not approve of the monarchical 
system. 

That assumption is false. American republicanism is not 
so boisterous and blatant as it used to be. Travel and inter- 
course with Europeans have taught us to treat their views 
with more courtesy and often to keep silence rather than 
wound their feelings. This courtesy and silence have been 
sometimes interpreted as acquiescence and agreement, and 
so it becomes desirable once in a while to make a plain 
statement of what we Americans do most firmly hold and 
believe. Such a statement cannot be better put than it was 
by Emerson in the ode he wrote on the birthday of free 
America, January 1, 1863: 

God said, I am tired of kings, 

I suffer them no more ; 
Up to my ear the morning brings 

The outrage of the poor. 

Think ye I made this ball 

A field of havoc and war, 
Where tyrants great and tyrants small 

Might harry the weak and poor? 

I will have never a noble, 

No lineage counted great ; 
Fishers and choppers and plowmen 

Shall constitute a state. 

This is what we believe to be the divine will, and so be- 
lieving we hold that any man who stands up and says that 
he is by divine right or the Grace of God ruler of his fellow- 
men is a liar and a blasphemer. We make no exceptions. 
We have no more respect for the claim of the King of Eng- 
land to a divine right to rule than for that of the Czar of 
Russia, for the claim of the King of the Belgians than for 
that of the Negus of Abyssinia. We regard every monarch 
as ex officio either a tyrant or an absurdity. The word 
"tyrant" is here used in the original sense given to it by 
the first republicans, the Greeks, who applied it to any man 
«laiming kingship. In the course of history the word nat- 
urally and inevitably acquired the secondary meaning of an 
oppressive ruler. We recognize of course the vast difference 
that exists between a mild and constitutional king and an 
unjust and autocratic king, but neither in our opinion has 
any right to exist. It often happens that the better the man 
the more dangerous he is as a king. There are from the 
American standpoint only two kings on earth who have any 
shadow of legal claim to their thrones; the rest are usurpers. 
The two apparent exceptions are King Peter of Serbia and 
King Haakon of Norway, both of whom were elected by the 



representatives of the people. But the King of Serbia came 
to the throne thru the assassination of his predecessor and 
was himself an accomplice of the murder after the fact if 
not before. The Norwegians are a democratic people and did 
not desire a king, but when they separated from Sweden, 
the monarchical powers of Europe, some say England, some 
say Germany, it matters not, compelled them to take a king 
as the condition of recognition. A Norwegian republic would 
have made the thrones of Europe unsafe. France, Switzer- 
land and Portugal are standing menaces to monarchy and 
republican sentiment is growing in Italy and Spain. 

In England, on the contrary, republicanism has declined 
while democracy has grown. The two things are quite dis- 
tinct and ought never to be confounded. Democracy is the 
rule of the people regardless of the form of government. 
The Russian mir and the Chinese village are in some re- 
spects more democratic than England or the United States. 
Republicanism means the abolition of any individual or 
class claiming to rule by divine right, inheritance or similar 
form of privilege. 

Fifty years ago there were many outspoken republicans 
in Great Britain. Now there is scarcely one. When Victoria 
was crowned some found the ceremony especially interest- 
ing because, as they said, it would probably be the last 
coronation that England would ever see. One of the Chart- 
ists of '48 used publicly words as bold as those of Patrick 
Henry: "If Parliament will accept our petition, very good. 
If not — well, France is a republic." A British labor leader 
now would hardly dare to use such language. 

Our British friends assure us privately that their king 
has no real power, that he is merely "a sort of glorified rub- 
ber stamp." Then a little while later, forgetting what they 
have said, they tell us how the virtuous Victoria overruled 
her ministers for the good of the realm and how the wise 
King Edward thru his own personal influence brought about 
the entente and the isolation of Germany. Now whether or 
not it was good politics to encircle Germany with the ring 
of steel we shall not know until we see the outcome of the 
war, but whether it be credit or blame that is to be given 
to Edward VII, we cannot regard him as a mere figure- 
head. 

We are being inundated just now with literature from 
England filled with quotations from the speeches of the 
Kaiser and his sycophants. Our British friends believe that 
such exhibits of grotesque megolamania will arouse the dis- 
gust and abhorrence of Americans for a man who will make 
such claims and a people who will submit to them. That is 
right; we do feel so. But do our British friends realize that 
the phrases they themselves use so casually, so lovingly, 
grate almost as harshly upon republican ears? The British 
Prime Minister talks of "His Majesty's Government" and 
"His Majesty's Army" and writes "By Order of the King" 
at the bottom of a proclamation. You say that it is not true, 
that the King did not really have anything to say about it, 
it was all done by the ministers. Very good ; we think better 
of the King — but what shall we think of Mr. Asquith? 

We used to be told that kings were excellent things be- 
cause by their intermarriages they kept peace in Europe. 
Perhaps we used to believe it. But that was before the pub- 
lication of the "Dear Nicky" letters exchanged between the 
royal cousins while Russia and Germany and England and 
Belgium were actively preparing for war. 

As a man Albert of Belgium is a decided improvement 
over the long-bearded satyr who preceded him. Even repub- 
licans must join in the general chorus of praise. But as a 
king he is a public menace. We have not forgotten that be- 
fore the war his name was talked of as a possible candidate 
for the French throne in case the royalists inside and out- 



side of France succeeded in overthrowing the republic. Per- 
haps the plan is not yet abandoned. Certainly King Albert 
has a .stronger hold upon the affection of the French people 
than before for his courage and devotion in adversity, and 
if the French should again be seized with a desire for a 
king- as they have twice before, he would make a much 
stronger candidate than the Bourbon or Napoleonic pre- 
tenders. 

If this had been a war between Germany and France 
alone, in which one of the two was not notoriously the ag- 
gressor, there would have been no question where American 
sympathy inclined. America always tends to favor any re- 
public against any monarchy regardless of the cause of the 
quarrel. But when the great European republic, to whom 
we owe undying gratitude for rescuing us from a king, 
unites with five monarchies and among them the most au- 
tocratic, our sympathies are divided and we can only hope 
that the outcome will not be the crushing out of all repub- 
licanism in Europe. 

It has been said that the Monroe Doctrine is the only thing 
that Americans would fight for. However that may be, it 
certainly represents a principle dear to the hearts of the 



American people, for we believe as firmly as in 1823 that 
any attempt on the part of European powers "to extend 
their system to any portion of this hemisphere is dangerous 
to our peace and safety." The Monroe Doctrine has been 
amplified and interpreted to mean many things, the hege- 
mony of the United States, America for the Americans, the 
cultivation of Pan-American trade, etc. But its primary and 
fundamental purpose was simply the maintenance of repub- 
licanism. "Their system" meant the monarchical system and 
the United States opposes that now as it always has. The 
Monroe Doctrine means that one continent out of the five 
shall be kept forever free from the curse of kings. As for 
the rest of the world, it is not so much our concern. We re- 
joice whenever a people like the Portuguese or Chinese rises 
and overthrows its tyrants. We will give them what en- 
couragement we can and we hope so to conduct ourselves that 
this republic of ours may become an example of the benefits 
of republicanism instead of a reproach. For we know we are 
right and we look forward with perfect confidence to the 
day when it may be there shall be no more kings in all the 
earth. March 22, 1915 



Kings 

By G. Bernard Shaw 



We sent G. B. S. a copy of the editorial entitled, "And There Shall Be No More Kings," in 
The Independent of March 22, 1915, and the following, penned on the margin of the clipping, 
in his careful handwriting, is his cormnent on what he calls "a wise and timely article" 

This war raises in an acute form the whole question of Republicanism 
versus German dynasticism. After the mischief done by Franz Josef's 
second childhood as displayed in his launching the forty-eight-hour ulti- 
matum to Serbia before the Kaiser could return from Stockholm, the 
world has the right — indeed the duty — to demand that monarchies shall 
at least be subject to superannuation as well as to constitutional limita- 
tion. 

All recent historical research has shown that the position of a King, 
even in a jealously limited monarchy like the British, makes him so strong 
that George III, ivho was childish when he was not under restraint as an 
admitted lunatic, tvas uncontrollable by the strongest body of statesmen 
the eighteenth century produced. It is undoubtedly inconvenient that the 
head of the State should be selected at short intervals; but it does not 
follow that he {or she) shoidd be an unqualified person to hold office for 
life or be a member of a dynasty. 

I may add that if the policy of dismembering the Central Empires by 
making separate national States of Bohemia, Poland and Hungary, and 
making Serbia include Bosnia and Herzegovina, is seriously put forivard, 
it would involve making them Republics; for if they were Kingdoms their 
thrones would be occupied by cousins of the Hohenzollerns, Hapsburgs 
and Romanoffs, strengthening the German hegemony instead of restrain- 
ing it. London 



THE DOOM OF THE DYNASTIES 



THE Romanoff autocracy has fallen. The doom of the 
Hapsburgs and of the Hohenzollerns Is at hand. The 
kings must go; and go they will. 
On August 10, 1914, in its first editorial reaction 
to the war, The Independent said: "Whom the gods would 
destroy they first make mad. Mad with the lust of power, 
drunk with their own egotism, the head devils have signed 
their own doom. Their days are numbered. The monarchs 
must go — and they will." Our prediction is verified sooner 
than we dared then to expect. Complete fulfilment may take 
a longer time than we now are willing to contemplate, or it 
may be accomplished swiftly. Royalty may be abolished al- 
together; or, stripped of all real power, it may be permitted 
to survive, as in England, on condition that it shall function 
democratically, useful chiefly, like the flag, as a symbol of 
political unity. Whichever of these possibilities comes true, 
monarchy as absolutism is a fact of ancient history, and 
ancient history, as we said ten days after the event, closed 
at midnight of July 31, 1914. 

The Head Devils began this war. This also we said in 
our first reaction to the Demon Dance. None of the other 
alleged causes by itself, we contended, "nor all of them in 
combination, would have made war if the consuming vanity, 
the monstrous egotism and the medieval-mindedness of the 
absolute monarchs had not been thrown into the scale." To- 
day all the world knows that this assertion, like our pre- 
diction, was true. The war was begun because the dynasties 
saw their thrones endangered by the rising tide of democ- 
racy. 

The Czar goes first, because he tried to play the traitor's 
game. He has been the Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde of the war. 
Professedly organizing and leading the forces of his empire 
against the Hohenzollern, he and his minions have been 
paralyzing the arm of the fighting force, disorganizing com- 
munication, scattering and confounding munitions and sup- 
plies, starving the people, and preparing, if at any moment 
the attempt should seem safe, to make a separate peace. 



The house of Romanoff, partly Teuton in blood, largely Teu- 
ton in sympathy, and wholly Teuton in interests, has met 
the inevitable fate of the traitor, and it is one that satisfies 
the world's profoundest sense of justice. 

After Nicholas, the Kaiser and the Emperor of Austria: 
it matters little which goes first, they both must go, and 
go they will. What is more, they know that they must go. 
Since Bismarck saw and told them, they have perfectly un- 
derstood that the three czars would stand or fall together. 
The impending doom was known in Berlin before the news 
of the Russian revolution reached this continent. Chancellor 
von Bethmann-Hollweg's speech to the Prussian Diet on 
Wednesday afternoon proclaimed it to the Empire. "Wo to 
the statesman who cannot read the signs of the times," he 
said. Wo, indeed, for the Chancellor has spoken too late. 
Whether the flame of revolution shall sweep over the Car- 
pathians and the Vistula to the Vosges and the Rhine, or the 
Chancellor shall be able to keep his promise to reward the 
loyalty of the German people by giving them the reality of 
popular government, will matter little in the end. Hapsburg 
and Hohenzollern, as absolutist powers, have had their day. 

And whether the war goes on for months or for another 
year, the victory of democracy over absolutism is assured. 
Peace without victory there never has been, there never can 
be. The forces that clash in war are the forces of reaction 
and of progress. In the titanic struggle for civilization and 
liberty peace is but an armistice until civilization and lib- 
erty are safe. By exertions and sufferings that have para- 
lyzed imagination they have been saved. A necessary part 
of the cost has been the temporary sacrifice of much indi- 
vidual liberty and a temporary subordination of civil pro- 
cedure to military authority in the freer nations, but the 
back swing of the pendulum has begun. This war, when it 
ends, will not have militarized the world, as the pacifist 
has feared. The returning tide of democratic liberty will 
run swift and deep, from this day on. The doom of the 
dynasties has fallen. March 26, 1917 



Perhaps 



The Great War is over; the peace-pact signed. The 
grimed and wearied veterans are coming home. 

The flags fly. The bands play. The Monarch stands 
bareheaded on the palace balcony. Below the crowds 
cheer. They weep for joy. Glory to the Fatherland! God 
save the king! 



The tumult and the shouting dies. The armies dis- 
band. The soldiers return to their loved ones. Every 
home is a house of mourning. They try to pick up again 
the broken threads of peaceful industry. All is ruin. 

They contemplate. Five million men killed. Ten mil- 
lion men crippled. Wives and daughters ravished. Chil- 
dren mutilated. Babies starved. Hundreds of cities 
burned. Thousands of farms laid waste. Thirty billion 
dollars of accumulated ivealth consumed in smoke. 



They council together. They cannot endure the deso- 
lation. They will not suffer the privation. Men fight 
harder to keep from sinking than to rise. 

They go to the nobles and the rich. They ask for 
bread. They are given a stone. When in the annals of 
history has Privilege chosen to sacrifice itself for the 
common weal? 

They turn to the governments. The governments lis- 
ten. But what can the governments do? They have 
spent the substance of the living. They have spent the 
substance of those to come even to the third and fourth 
generation. 

****** 

Then a thing epochal happens. First a murmur, then 
a rumble, then a roar, then — the Revolution, peaceful 
or bloody; and all the emperors and kings, all the au- 
tocrats and aristocrats, go. 




Drawn for The Independent by TV. C. Mo 



THE WORLD MUST BE MADE SAFE FOR DEMOCRACY" 




THE ISSUE 

Two views of a 
submarine. 
When all that 
can be seen 
above water is 
the periscope, 
practically in- 
visible at any 
distance, t h e 
men on the in- 
side looking out 
have a compre- 
hensive view of 
their surround- 
ings. This pho- 
tograph iv a s 
actually taken 
thru a peri- 
scope; the scale 
gives accurate 
distances for 
torpedo range 





© Harris .£ Ewing 

"The right is more precious than peace" — President Wilson's address to the Congress advising war with Germany 



AT WAR WITH GERMANY 

PRESIDENT WILSON'S ADDRESS TO THE CONGRESS ON APRIL 2, 1917 



I HAVE called the Congress into extraordinary session be- 
cause there are serious — very serious — choices of policy to be 
made, and made immediately, which it was neither right nor 
constitutionally permissible that I should assume the responsi- 
bility of making. 

On the third of February last I officially laid before you the 
extraordinary announcement of the Imperial German Government 
that on and after the first day of February it was its purpose to 
put aside all restraints of law or of humanity and use its sub- 
marines to sink every vessel that sought to approach either the 
ports of Great Britain and Ireland or the western coasts of 
Europe, or any of the ports controlled by the enemies of Germany 
within the Mediterranean. 

That had seemed to be the object of the German submarine war- 
fare earlier in the war, but since April of last year the Imperial 
German Government had somewhat restrained the commanders 
of its under sea craft in conformity with its promise then giveu 
to us that passenger boats should not be sunk and that due warn- 
ing would be given to all other vessels which its submarines might 
seek to destroy, when no resistance was offered or escape at- 
tempted, and care taken that their crews were given at least a 
fair chance to save their lives in their open boats. 

The precautions taken were meagre and haphazard enough, as 
was proved in distressing instance after instance in the progress 
of the cruel and unmanly business, but a certain degree of re- 
straint was observed. 

The new policy has swept every restriction aside. Vessels of 
every kind, whatever their flag, their character, their cargo, their 
destination, their errand have been ruthlessly sent to the bottom 
without warning and without thought of help or mercy for those 
on board, the vessels of friendly neutrals along with those of 
belligerents. 

Even hospital ships and ships carrying relief to the sorely be- 
reaved and stricken people of Belgium, tho the latter were 
provided with safe conduct thru the proscribed areas by the 
German Government itself and were distinguished by unmistak- 
able marks of identity, have been sunk with the same reckless 
lack of compassion or of principle. 

International law had its origin in the attempt to set up some 
law, which would be respected and observed upon the seas, where 
no nation had right of dominion and where lay the free highways 
of the world. 

By painful stage after stage has that law been built up. with 
meagre enough results, indeed, after all was accomplished that 
could be accomplished, but always with a clear view, at least, of 
what the heart and conscience of mankind demanded. 

This minimum of right the German Government has swept 
aside under the plea of retaliation and necessity, and because 
it had no weapons which it could use at sea except these, which 
it is impossible to employ, as it is employing them, without 
throwing to the winds all scruples of humanity or of respect for 
the understandings that were supposed to underlie the inter- 
course of the world. 

I am not now thinking of the loss of property involved, immense 
and serious as that is, but only of the wanton and whole- 
sale destruction of the lives of non-combatants — men, women and 
children — engaged in pursuits which have always, even in the 
darkest periods of modern history, been deemed innocent and 
legitimate. Property can be paid for ; the lives of peaceful and 
innocent people cannot be. 

The present German warfare against commerce is a warfare 
against mankind. It is a war against all nations. American ships 
have been sunk, American lives taken, in ways which it has 
stirred us very deeply to learn of ; but the ships and people of 
other neutral and friendly nations have been sunk and over- 
whelmed in the waters in the same way. 

There has been no discrimination. The challenge is to all man- 
kind. Each nation must decide for itself how it will meet it. The 
choice we make for ourselves must be made with a moderation of 
counsel and a tcmperateness of judgment befitting our character 
and our motives as a nation. We must put excited feeling away. 
Our motive will not be revenge or the victorious assertion of the 
physical might of the nation, but only the vindication of right, 
of human right, of which we are only a single champion. 

When I addrest the Congress on the twenty-sixth of February 
last I thought that it would suffice to assert our neutral rights 
with arms, our right to use the seas against unlawful interfer- 
ence, our right to keep our people safe against unlawful violence. 

But armed neutrality, it now appears, is impracticable. Be- 
cause submarines have been used against merchant shipping it is 
impossible to defend ships against their attacks, as the law of 
nations has assumed that merchantmen would defend themselves 
against privateers or cruisers, visible craft, giving chase upon the 
open sea. 



It is common prudence in such circumstances, grim necessity 
indeed, to destroy them before they have shown their own inten- 
tion. They must be dealt with upon sight, if dealt with at all. 

The German Government denies the right of neutrals to use 
arms at all within the areas of the sea which it has prohibited 
even in the defense of rights which no modern publicist has ever 
before questioned their right to defend. 

The intimation is conveyed that the armed guards which we 
have placed on our merchant ships will be treated as beyond the 
pale of law and subject to be dealt with as pirates would be. 
Armed neutrality is ineffectual enough at best. In such circum- 
stances and in the face of such pretensions it is worse than 
ineffectual. It is likely once to produce what it was meant to 
prevent. It is practically certain to draw us into the war without 
either the rights or the effectiveness of belligerents. 

THERE is one choice we cannot make, we are incapable of 
making : We will not choose the path of submission and suffer 
the most sacred rights of our nation and our people to be ignored 
or violated. The wrongs against which we now array ourselves 
are not common wrongs ; they cut to the very roots of human life. 

With a profound sense of the solemn and even tragical charac- 
ter of the step I am taking and of the grave responsibilities which 
it involves, but in unhesitating obedience to what I deem my con- 
stitutional duty, I advise that the Congress declare the recent 
course of the Imperial German Government to be in fact nothing 
less than war against the Government and people of the United 
States : that it formally accept the status of belligerent which has 
thus been thrust upon it and that it take immediate steps not 
only to put the country in a more thoro state of defense, but also 
to exert all its power and employ all its resources to bring the 
Government of the German Empire to terms and end the war. 

What this will involve is clear. It will involve the utmost prac- 
ticable cooperation in counsel and action with the governments 
now at war with Germany, and, as incident to that, the extension 
to those governments of the most liberal financial credits, in order 
that our resources may, so far as possible, be added to theirs. It 
will involve the organization and mobilization of all the material 
resources of the country to supply the materials of war and serve 
the incidental needs of the nation in the most abundant, and yet 
the most economical and efficient, way possible. 

It will involve the immediate full equipment of the navy in all 
respects, but particularly in supplying it with the best means of 
dealing with the enemy's submarines. It will involve the immediate 
addition to the armed forces of the United States, already pro- 
vided for by law in case of war, of at least 500,000 men, who 
should, in my opinion, be chosen upon the principle of universal 
liability to service, and also the authorization of subsequent addi- 
tional increments of equal force so soon as they may be needed 
and can be handled in training. 

It will involve also, of course, the granting of adequate credits 
to the Government, sustained, I hope, so far as they can equitably 
be sustained by the present generation, by well conceived 
taxation. I say sustained so far as may be equitable by 
taxation because it seems to me that it would be most unwise to 
base the credits which will now be necessary entirely on money 
borrowed. It is our duty, I most respectfully urge, to protect our 
people so far as we may against the very serious hardships and 
evils which would be likely to arise out of the inflation which 
would be produced by vast loans. 

In carrying out the measures by which these things are to be 
accomplished we should keep constantly in mind the wisdom of 
interfering as little as possible in our own preparation and in the 
equipment of our own military forces with the duty — for it will 
be a very practical duty — of supplying the nations already at 
war with Germany with the, materials which they can obtain only 
from us or by our assistance. They are in the field and we should 
help them in every way to be effective there. 

I shall take the liberty of suggesting, thru the several executive 
departments of the Government for the consideration of your 
committees, measures for the accomplishment of the several 
objects I have mentioned. I hope that it will be your pleasure to 
deal with them as having been framed after very careful thought 
by the branch of the Government upon which the responsibility 
of conducting the war and safeguarding the nation will most 
directly fall. 

While we do these things, these deeply momentous things, let 
us be very clear, and make very clear to all the world what our 
motives and our objects are. My own thought has not been driven 
from its habitual and normal course by the unhappy events of 
the last two months, and I do not believe that the thought of the 
nation has been altered or clouded by them. 

I have exactly the same thing in mind now that I had in mind 
when I addrest the Senate on the 22d of January last ; the same 
that I had in mind when I addrest the Congress on the 3d of 



February and on the 26th of February. Our object now, as then, 
is to vindicate the principles of peace and justice in the life of 
the world as against selfish and autocratic power and to set up 
amongst the really free and self-governed peoples of the world such 
a concert of purpose and of action as will henceforth insure the 
observance of those principles. 

Neutrality is no longer feasible or desirable where the peace 
of the world is involved and the freedom of its peoples, and the 
menace to that peace and freedom lies in the existence of autocratic 
governments backed by organized force, which is controlled wholly 
by their will, not by the will of their people. We have seen the 
last of neutrality in such circumstances. 

We are at the beginning of an age in which it will be insisted 
that the same standards of conduct and of responsibility for wrong 
done shall be observed among nations and their governments that 
are observed among the individual citizens of civilized states. 

WE have no quarrel with the German people. We have no feel- 
ing toward them but one of sympathy and friendship. It was 
not upon their impulse that their Government acted in entering 
this war. It was not with their previous knowledge or approval. 
It was a war determined upon as wars used to be determined 
upon in the old, unhappy days when peoples were nowhere con- 
sulted by their rulers and wars were provoked and waged in the 
interest of dj'nasties or of little groups of ambitious men who 
were accustomed to use their fellow men as pawns and tools. 

Self-governed nations do not fill their neighbor states with spies 
or set the course of intrigue to bring about some critical posture 
of affairs which will give them an opportunity to strike and 
make conquest. Such designs can be successfully worked only 
under cover and where no one has the right to ask questions. 

Cunningly contrived plans of deception or aggression, carried, 
it may be, from generation to generation, can be worked out and 
kept from the light only within the privacy of courts or behind 
the carefully guarded confidences of a narrow and privileged class. 
They are happily impossible where public opinion commands and 
insists upon full information concerning all the nation's affairs. 
A steadfast concert for peace can never be maintained except 
by a partnership of democratic nations. No autocratic govern- 
ment could be trusted to keep faith within it or observe its cove- 
nants. It must be a league of honor, a partnership of opinion. 
Intrigue would eat its vitals away, the plottings of inner circles 
would be a corruption seated at its very heart. Only free peoples 
who could plan what they would and render account to no one 
can hold their purpose and their honor steady to a common end 
and prefer the interests of mankind to any narrow interest of 
their own. 

Does not every American feel that assurance has been added 
to our hope for the future peace of the world by the wonderful 
and heartening things that have been happening within the last 
few weeks in Russia? 

Russia was known by those who knew it best to have been 
always in fact democratic at heart, in all the vital habits of her 
thought, in all the intimate relationships of her people that spoke 
their natural instinct, their habitual attitude toward life. 

Autocracy that crowned the summit of her political structure, 
long as it has stood and terrible as was the reality of its power, 
was not in fact Russian in origin, in character or purpose, and 
now it has been shaken and the great, generous Russian people 
have been added in all their native majesty and might to the 
forces that are fighting for freedom in the world, for justice and 
for peace. 

Here is a fit partner for a league of honor. 
One of the things that has served to convince us that the Prus- 
sian autocracy was not and could never be our friend is that from 
the very outset of the present war it has filled our unsuspecting 
communities and even our offices of government with spies and 
set criminal intrigues everywhere afoot against our national unity 
of council, our peace within and without, our industries and our 
commerce. 

Indeed it is now evident that its spies were here even before 
the war began, and it is unhappily not a matter of conjecture 
but a fact proved in our courts of justice that the intrigues which 
have more than once come perilously near to disturbing the peace 
and dislocating the industries of the country have been carried 
on at the instigation, with the support, and even under the per- 
sonal direction of official agents of the Imperial Government 
accredited to the Government of the United States. 

Even in checking these things and trying to extirpate them we 
have soiight to put the most generous interpretation possible upon 
them because we knew that their source lay, not in any hostile 
feeling or purpose of the German people toward us (who were, no 
doubt, as ignorant of them as we ourselves were) but only in the 
selfish designs of a Government that did what it pleased and told 
its people nothing. But they have played their part in serving 
to convince us at last that that Government entertains no real 
friendship for us and means to act against our peace and security 
at its convenience. That it means to stir up enemies against us 
at our very doors the intercepted note to the German Minister 
at Mexico City is eloquent evidence. 

We are accepting this challenge of hostile purpose because we 



know that in such a Government, following such methods, we 
can never have a friend ; and that in the presence of its organized 
power, always lying in wait to accomplish we know not what pur- 
pose, there can be no assured security for the democratic gov- 
ernments of the world. 

We are now about to accept gauge of battle with this natural 
foe to liberty, and shall, if necessary, spend the whole force of the 
nation to check and nullify its pretensions and its power. We are 
glad, now that we see the facts with no veil of false pretense 
about them, to fight thus for the ultimate peace of the world and 
for the liberation of its peoples — the German people included — for 
the rights of nations great and small and the privilege of men 
everywhere to choose their way of life and of obedience. 

THE world must be made safe for democracy. Its peace must 
be planted upon the trusted foundations of political liberty. 
We have no selfish ends to serve. We desire no conquest, no 
dominion. We seek no indemnities for ourselves, no material com- 
pensation for the sacrifices we shall freely make. We are but one 
of the champions of the rights of mankind. We shall be satisfied 
when those rights have been made as secure as the faith and the 
freedom of the nation can make them. 

Just because we fight without rancour and without selfish 
objects, seeking nothing for ourselves but what we shall wish to 
share with all free peoples, we shall, I feel confident, conduct our 
operations as belligerents without passion and ourselves observe 
with proud punctilio the principles of right and of fair play we 
profess to be fighting for. 

I have said nothing of the governments allied with the Im- 
perial Government of Germany because they have not made war 
upon us or challenged us to defend our right and our honor. 

The Austro-Hungarian Government has, indeed, avowed its 
unequalified indorsement and acceptance of the reckless and law- 
less submarine warfare adopted now without disguise by the 
Imperial Government, and it has therefore not been possible for 
this Government to receive Count Tarnowski, the Ambassador 
recently accredited to this Government by the Imperial and Royal 
Government of Austria-Hungary ; but that Government has not 
actually engaged in warfare against citizens of the United States 
on the seas, and I take the liberty, for the present at least, of 
postponing a discussion of our relations with the authorities at 
Vienna. 

We enter this war only where we are clearly forced into it 
because there are no other means of defending our rights. 

It will be all the easier for us to conduct ourselves as bellig- 
erents in a high spirit of right and fairness because we act with- 
out animus, not in enmity toward a people or with the desire to 
bring any injury or disadvantage upon them, but only in armed 
opposition to an irresponsible government which has thrown aside 
all considerations of humanity and of right and is running amuck. 
We are, let me say again, the sincere friends of the German 
people, and shall desire nothing so much as the early reestab- 
lishment of intimate relations of mutual advantage between us — 
however hard it may be for them, for the time being, to believe 
that this is spoken from our hearts. 

We have borne with their present Government thru all these 
bitter months because of that friendship — exercizing a patience 
and forbearance which would otherwise have been impossible. 
We shall, happily, still have an opportunity to prove that friend- 
ship in our daily attitude and actions toward the millions of 
men and women of German birth and native sympathy who live 
amongst us and share our life, and we shall be proud to prove 
it toward all who are in fact loyal to their neighbors and to the 
Government in the hour of test. They are, most of them, as true 
and loyal Americans as if they had never known any other fealty 
or allegiance. They will be prompt to stand with us in rebuking 
and restraining the few who may be of a different mind and 
purpose. 

If there should be disloyalty, it will be dealt with with a firm 
hand of stern repression ; but, if it lifts its head at all, it will lift 
it only here and there and without countenance except from a 
lawless and malignant few. 

It is a distressing and oppressive duty, gentlemen of the Con- 
gress, which I have performed in thus addressing you. There 
are, it may be. many months of fiery trial and sacrifice ahead of 
us. It is a fearful thing to lead this great peaceful people into 
war, into the most terrible and disastrous of all wars, civilization 
itself seeming to be in the balance. But the right is more precious 
than peace, and we shall fight for the things which we have 
always carried nearest our hearts — for democracy, for the right of 
those who submit to authority to have a voice in their own gov- 
ernments, for the rights and liberties of small nations, for a uni- 
versal dominion of right by such a concert of free peoples as shall 
bring peace and safety to all nations and make the world itslef 
at last free. 

To such a task we can dedicate our lives and our fortunes, 
everything that we are and everything that we have, with the 
pride of those who know that the day has come when America 
is privileged to spend her blood and her might for the principles 
that gave her birth and happiness and the peace which she has 
treasured. God help her, she can do no other. 



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AFTER WAR— WHAT? 



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WAR AS AN INDUSTRY 



THREE years of war have educated the American peo- 
ple to its meaning. We know that war is no longer, 
if indeed it ever was, an affair of young men with 
uniforms and rifles going out to shoot the enemy 
while the rest of the nation carried on "business as usual" 
and applauded the soldiers on their return. It was Krupp's 
factories and not the Kaiser's mailed fist or "shining armor" 
that won the first Belgian campaign. It was the train dis- 
patcher and the maker of railroad supplies that defeated the 
Russians. It was the two million men and women in the 
British munitions factories that compelled the German re- 
treat in the west. Even the men actually in the war zone 
follow the most varied and specialized occupations. He who 
says "soldier" may mean by the term baker, lumberman, 
dentist, blacksmith, engineer, electrician, musician, chemist 
or mechanician. The man in the front trenches is the apex 
of a great industrial pyramid which includes nearly every 
trade and occupation known to mankind, with the exception 
of a few that minister to the luxuries of peace times. 

The moral of this for the people of the United States is 
that we should never confront another war either in the 
state of unpreparedness which is represented by a small 
volunteer army or only half-prepared, with compulsory 
service for the army and no organization of war industry. 
We must make universal service a reality as well as a name. 
When the time comes that the other nations of the world 
will consent with us to a general disarmament this period 
of training may be devoted to some peaceful service to the 
community, such as was suggested by that far-sighted 
American philosopher, the late William James, in his "Moral 
Equivalent of War." We trust that the necessity for the 
individual nation to organize its citizenry for the common 
defense will become as obsolete under international federa- 
tion as the sheriff's posse has become in cities whose peace 
is safeguarded by a good police force. But so long as there 
exists in the world a military menace to our national lib- 
erties every one who shares the privileges of American citi- 
zenship ought to be taught some useful part in the great 
industry of war. 

Of course the acquirement of a war technic will take a 
certain amount of time and absorb a certain fraction of the 
productive energy of the nation. But as some counterbalance 
to this we must reckon the cost of economic disorganization 
on the eve of battle. The transition from a peace basis to a 
war basis at present is a frightful waste not of money only 
but of time and human ability as well. Thousands of men 
and women are thrown into the ranks of the unemployed by 
the failure of their businesses and yet no place has been 
made ready for them in the industries of war. Skilled arti- 
zans and farmers, just the men to feel first the impulse of 
patriotism, enlist in the army while the fields go unfilled and 
the men at the front curse the lack of ammunition which 
prolongs the agony of the campaign. New fleets of merchant 
shipping are built and experienced sailors cannot be found 
to man them. Coal miners go on strike for double wages, 
confident that their places cannot be filled. The liquor trade 
and other parasitic businesses flourish, and the worst class 
of slackers, the wasters, keep servants and tradesmen busy 
ministering to their pleasures while the army is short of 
the most elementary necessities and the poor in the great 
cities are face to face with famine. All this is true even in 
Germany, the land which claims a monopoly of efficiency. 

The needs of war time may be reduced to five: men to 
fight at the front; men and women to supply their imme- 
diate needs or to make the tools of war; men and women 



to care for the needs of the civilian community; men and 
women to care for transportation, and men and women to 
"tide over" the enterprizes of peace until the end of the war. 
All persons in any way capable of productive effort should 
be enlisted in one of these five national services from the 
instant war is declared and it should be the primary duty 
of the national Government to preserve a due balance among 
them. The first class consists of all the physically sound 
young men whose civilian work can be taken over by others 
during the war without economic loss. Ordinary military 
training should be given to all persons in this group. 

The teaching of war technic to the other groups is still 
to be developed. So far as possible it should be in line with 
the chosen occupation of the individual, but it might well 
be given in summer camps or university extension classes 
and, of course, in schools and colleges, so that the feeling 
of comradeship and patriotic cooperation might be empha- 
sized as strongly as in the regular military service. Large 
factories, manufacturing and electrical establishments in 
particular, would perform a great patriotic service by giv- 
ing facilities for a few weeks' training each year at the 
plant in the application of mechanical, chemical and elec- 
trical processes to the special needs of war. All agricultural 
schools should give a course on the proper balance of crops 
with each other and with live stock when there is a large 
standing army to be fed according to the standard diet pro- 
vided by the Government. Railroad men should be instructed 
in the handling and shipment of munitions of war and every 
merchant ship should be available as an efficient transport. 

Some of the trades farthest removed from military life in 
the limited sense of the word can be made surprizingly 
useful in war time with a little special training. The baker 
ought to be taught the use of the army oven as a part of his 
business. The veterinary surgeon can specialize a little on 
the army mule and the cavalry charger. The photographer 
should be given a little practise in military observation 
work. The chauffeur ought not to be licensed until he has 
proved his knowledge of how to repair a military transport 
automobile or an army ambulance. The jeweler might well 
study the officer's field glass and chronometer. Every tailor 
should learn to make the standard national uniforms and 
every cobbler to make army boots before necessity compels 
him to learn in a hurry what he should have known all 
along. Even the painter has a field opened to his talents in 
the new science of camouflage. 

An objection may be raised to this universal conscription 
that it would tend to introduce militarism into the whole of 
industrial life. It would be far more likely to introduce the 
civilian spirit into the business of war. The nation would 
simply turn from mere money making to the task of the 
common defense without any accompaniment of red tape or 
gold braid, of arrogant officers or "shot at sunrise" courts 
martial. Every man and every woman, young or old, strong 
or sickly, would slip into an appointed and duly prepared 
post of duty; at the hospital bedside, in the camp kitchen, 
at the telegraph key, at the engine throttle, at the plow, in 
the coal mine, in the lumber camp, at a clerk's desk in 
Washington or even the schoolhouse and the hearthside. 
Wherever work had to be done there would be a man or 
woman trained before the war to do it. This common basis 
of service would in time become as much a matter of course 
as going to school and since all would have the share that 
they were able to perform in the work of the war it would 
be the logical basis of a common citizenship and a universal 
franchise. 



AS THE WORLD LIVES ON 

BY H. G. WELLS 

AUTHOR OF "MR. BRITLING SEES IT THROUGH" 



k: 



■OTHING will be the same after 
the war." This is one of the con- 
soling platitudes with which peo- 
ple cover over voids of thought. They utter 
il with an air of round-eyed profundity. 
But to ask in reply, "Then how will things 
be different?" is in many cases to rouse 
great resentment. It is almost as rude as 
saying : "Was that thought of yours really 
a thought?" 

Let us in this paper confine ourselves 
to the social-economic processes that are 
going on. So far as I am able to distin- 
guish among the things that are being said 
in these matters, they may be classified 
out into groups that center upon several 
typical questions. There is the question of 
"How to pay for the war?" There is the 
question of the behavior of labor after the 
war, "Will there be a labor truce or a vio- 
lent labor struggle?" There is the question 
of the reconstruction of European industry 
after the war in the face of an America in 
a state of monetary and economic reple- 
tion thru non-intervention. My present 
purpose in this paper is a critical one ; 
it is not to solve problems, but to set out 
various currents of thought that are flow- 
ing thru the general mind. Which current 
is likely to seize upon and carry human 
affairs with it, is not for our present spec- 
ulation. 

There seem to be two distinct ways of 
answering the first of the questions I have 
noted. They do not necessarily contradict 
each other. Of course the war is being 
largely paid for immediately out of the 
accumulated private wealth of the past. 
We are buying off the "hold-up" of the 
private owner upon the material and re- 
sources we need, and paying in paper 
money and war loans. This is not in itself 
an impoverishment of the community. The 
wealth of individuals is not the wealth of 
nations ; the two things may easily be 
contradictory when the rich man's wealth 
consists of land or natural resources or 
franchises or privileges the use of which 
he reluctantly yields for high prices. The 
conversion of held-up land and material 
into workable and actively used material 
in exchange for national debt may be in- 
deed a positive increase in the wealth of 
the community. And what is happening in 
all the belligerent countries is the taking 
over of more and more of the realities of 
wealth from private hands and, in ex- 
change, the contracting of great masses of 
debt to private people. The net tendency 
is toward the disappearance of a reality 
holding class, the destruction of realities 
in warfare, and the appearance of a vast 
rentier class in its place. At the end of the 
war, much material will be destroyed for 
evermore, transit, food production and in- 
dustry will be everywhere enormously so- 
cialized, and the country will be liable to 
pay every year in interest a sum of money 
exceeding the entire national expenditure 
before the war. From the point of view of 
the state, and disregarding material and 
moral damages, that annual interest is the 
annual instalment of the price to be paid 
for the war. 

Now the interesting question arises 
whether these great belligerent states may 
go bankrupt, and if so to what extent. 
States may go bankrupt to the private 
creditor without repudiating their debts or 



seeming to pay less to Mm. They can go 
bankrupt either by a depreciation of their 
currency or — without touching the gold 
standard — thru a rise in prices. In the end 
both these things work out to the same 
end ; the creditor gets so many loaves or 
pairs of boots or workman's hours of labor 
for his pound Jess than he would have got 
under the previous conditions. One may 
imagine this process of price (and of 
course wages) increase going on to a lim- 
itless extent. Many people are inclined to 
look to such an increase in prices as a 
certain outcome of the war, and just so 
far as it goes, just so far will the burden 
of the rentier class, their call that is for 
goods and services, be lightened. This ex- 
pectation is very generally entertained, and 
I can see little reason against it. The in- 
tensely stupid or dishonest press, however, 
in the interests of the common enemy, 
which misrepresents socialism and seeks 
to misguide labor in Great Britain, ig- 
nores these considerations, and positively 
holds out this prospect of rising prices 
as an alarming one to the more credulous 
and ignorant of its readers. But now comes 
the second way of meeting the after-the- 
war obligations. 

This second way is by increasing the 
wealth of the state and by increasing the 
national production to such an extent that 
the payment of the rentier class will not 
be an overwhelming burden. Rising prices 
bilk the creditor. Increased production will 
check the rise in prices and get him a real 
payment. The outlook for the national cred- 
itor seems to be that he will be partly 
bilked and partly paid ; how far he will be 
bilked and how far paid depends almost 
entirely upon this possible increase in pro- 
duction ; and there is consequently a very 
keen and quite unprecedented desire very 
widely diffused among intelligent and ac- 
tive people, holding war loan scrip and 
the like, in all the belligerent countries, to 
see bold and hopeful schemes for state en- 
richment pushed forward. The movement 
toward socialism is receiving an impulse 
from a new and unexpected quarter, there 
is now a rentier socialism, and it is inter- 
esting to note that while the London Times 
is full of schemes of great state enterprises, 
for the exploitation of Colonial state lands, 
for the state purchase and wholesaling 
of food and many natural products, 
and for the syndication of shipping and 
the great staple industries into vast 
trusts into which not only the British 
but the French and Italian governments 
may enter as partners, the so-called so- 
cialist press of Great Britain is chiefly 
busy about the draughts in the cell of Mr. 
Fenner Brockway and the refusal of Prin- 
ter Scott Duckers to put on his khaki 
trousers. The New Statesman and the Fa- 
bian Society, however, display a wider in- 
telligence. 

There is a great variety of suggestions 
for this increase of public wealth and pro- 
duction. Many of them have an extreme 
reasonableness. The extent to which they 
will be adopted depends, no doubt, very 
largely upon the politician and permanent 
official, and both those classes are apt to 
panic in the presence of reality. In spite 
of its own interest in restraining a rise in 
prices, the old official "salariat" is likely 
to be obstructive to any such innovations. 



It is the resistance of spurs and red tabs 
to military innovations over again. This 
is the resistance of quills and red tape. On 
the other hand the organization of Britain 
for war has "officialized" a number of in- 
dustrial leaders and created a large body 
of temporary and adventurous officials. 
They may want to carry on into peace 
production the great new factories the 
war has created. At the end of the war, 
for example, every belligerent country will 
be in urgent need of cheap automobiles for 
farmers, tradesmen, and industrial pur- 
poses generally. America is now producing 
such automobiles at a price of four hun- 
dred dollars. But Furope will be heavily in 
debt to America, her industries will be dis- 
organized, and there will, therefore, be no 
sort of return payment possible for these 
hundreds of thousands of automobiles. A 
country that is neither creditor nor pro- 
ducer cannot be an importer. Consequent- 
ly, tho those cheap tin cars may be stacked 
as high as the Washington Monument in 
America, they will never come to Europe. 
On the other hand the great shell factories 
of Europe will be standing idle and ready, 
their staffs disciplined and available, for 
conversion to the new task. The imperative 
commonsense of the position seems to be 
that the European governments will set 
themselves straight away to out-Ford Ford, 
and provide their own people with cheap 
road transport. 

BUT here comes in the question 
whether this commonsense course is 
inevitable. Suppose the mental energy 
left in Europe after the war is insufficient 
for such a constructive feat as this. There 
will certainly be the obstruction of official 
pedantry, the hold-up of this vested in- 
terest and that, the greedy desire of "pri- 
vate enterprise" to exploit the occasion 
upon rather more costly and less produc- 
tive lines, the general distrust felt by ig- 
norant and unimaginative people of a new 
way of doing things. The process after all 
may not get done in the obviously wise 
way. This will not mean that Europe will 
buy American cars. It will be quite unable 
to buy American cars. It will be unable to 
make anything that America will not be 
able to make more cheaply for itself. But 
it will mean that Europe will go on with- 
out cheap cars, that is to say it will go on 
more sluggishly and clumsily and waste- 
fully at a lower economic level. Hampered 
transport means hampered production of 
other things, and increasing inability to 
buy abroad. And so we go down and down. 
It does not follow that because a course 
is the manifestly right and advantageous 
course for the community that it will be 
taken. I am reminded of this by a special 
basket in my study here, into which I pitch 
letters, circulars, pamphlets and so forth 
as they come to hand from a gentleman 
named Gatti, and his friends Mr. Adrian 
Ross, Mr. Roy Horniman, Mr. Henry 
Murray and others. His particular proj- 
ect is the construction of a Railway Clear- 
ing House for London. It is an absolutely 
admirable scheme. It would cut down the 
heavy traffic in the streets of London to 
about one third ; it would enable us to run 
the goods traffic of England with less than 
half the number of railway trucks we now 
employ, it would turn over enormous areas 



of valuable land from their present use as 
railway goods yards and sidings ; it would 
save time in the transit of goods and labor 
in their handling. It is a quite beautifully 
worked out scheme. For the last eight or 
ten years this group of devoted fanatics 
has been pressing this undertaking upon 
an indifferent country, with increasing ve- 
hemence and astonishment at that indiffer- 
ence. The point is that its adoption, tho 
it would be of enormous general benefit, 
would be of no particular benefit to any 
leading man or highly placed official. On 
the other hand it would upset all sorts of 
individuals who are in a position to ob- 
struct it quietly — and they do so. Meaning 
no evil, I dip my hand in the accumulation 
and extract a leaflet by the all too zealous 
Mr. Murray. In it he denounces various 
public officials by name as cheats and 
scoundrels, and invites a prosecution for 
libel. 

In that fashion nothing will ever get 
done. There is no prosecution, but for all 
that I do nor agree with Mr. Murray about 
the men he names. These gentlemen are 
just comfortable gentlemen, own brothers 
to these old generals of ours who will not 
take off their spurs. They are probably 
quite charming people except that they 
know nothing of that Fear of God which 
searches the heart. Why should they bother ? 

So many of these after-the-war problems 
bring one back to the question how far the 
war has put the Fear of God into the hearts 
of responsible men. There is really no other 
reason in existence that I can imagine why 
they should ask themselves the question. 
'Have I done my best?" and that still 
more important question, "Am I doing 
they should ask themselves, "Am I doing 
my best now?" And so while I hear plenty 
of talk about the great reorganizations that 
are to come after the war, while there is 
(he stir of doubt among the rentiers wheth- 
er, after all, they will get paid, while the 
unavoidable stresses and sacrifices of the 
war are making many people question the 
rightfulness of much that they did as a 
matter of course, and of much that they 
took for granted, I perceive there is also 
something dull and not very articulate in 
this European world, something resistant 
and inert, that is like the obstinate rolling 
over of a heavy sleeper after he has been 
called upon to get up. "Just a little longer. 
Just for my time." 

One thought alone seems to make these 
more intractable people anxious. I thrust 
it in as my last stimulant when everything 
else has failed. "There will be frightful 
trouble with labor after the war," I say. 

They try to persuade themselves that 
military discipline is breaking in labor. 

WHAT does British labor think of the 
outlook after the war? As a distinct- 
ive thing British labor does not think. 
"Class-conscious labor," as the Marxists 
put it, scarcely exists in Britain. The only 
convincing case I ever met was a bath- 
chairman of literary habits at Eastbourne. 
The only people who are, as a class, class 
conscious in the British community are the 
Anglican gentry and their fringe of the 
genteel. Everybody else is "respectable." 
The mass of British workers find their 
thinking in the ordinary halfpenny papers 
or in John Bull. The so-called labor papers 
are perhaps less representative of British 
labor than any other section of the press ; 
The Labor Leader, for example, is the 
organ of such people as Bertrand Russell, 
Vernon Lee, Morel, academic rentiers who 
know about as much of the labor side of 
industrialism as they do of cock-fighting. 
All the British peoples are racially willing 
and good-tempered people quite ready to 
be led by those they imagine to be abler 



than themselves. They make the most 
cheerful and generous soldiers in the whole 
world, without insisting upon that demo- 
cratic respect which the Frenchman exacts. 
They do not criticize and they do not trou- 
ble themselves much about the general plan 
of operations, so long as they have confi- 
dence in the quality and good-will of their 
leading. But British soldiers will hiss a 
general when they think he is selfish, un- 
feeling, or a muff. And the socialist propa- 
ganda has imported ideas of public service 
into private employment. Labor in Britain 
has been growing increasingly impatient of 
bad or selfish industrial leadership. Labor 
trouble in Great Britain turns wholly upon 
the idea crystallized in the one word 
"profiteer." Legislation and regulation of 
hours of labor, high wages, nothing will 
keep labor quiet in Great Britain, if labor 
thinks it is being exploited for private gain. 

Labor feels very suspicious of private 
gain. For that suspicion a certain rather 
common type of employer is mainly to 
blame. Labor believes that employers as a 
class cheat workmen as a class, plan to 
cheat them, of their full share in the com- 
mon output, and drive hard bargains. It be- 
lieves that private employers are equally 
ready to sacrifice the welfare of the nation 
and the welfare of the workers for mere 
personal advantage. It has a traditional ex- 
perience to support these suspicions. 

In no department of morals have ideas 
changed so completely during the last 
eighty years as in relation to "profits." 
Eighty years ago every one believed in the 
divine right of property to do what it 
pleased with its advantages, a doctrine more 
disastrous socially than the divine right of 
kings. There was no such sense of the im- 
morality of "holding up" as pervades the 
public conscience today. The worker was 
expected not only to work but to be grate- 
ful for employment. The property owner 
held his property and handed it out for use 
and development or not, just as he thought 
fit. These ideas are not altogether extinct 
today. Only a few days ago I met a mag- 
nificent old lady of seventy-nine or eighty, 
who discoursed upon the wickedness of her 
gardener in demanding another shilling a 
week because of war prices. 

She was a valiant and handsome person- 
age. A face that had still a healthy natural 
pinkness looked out from under blonde 
curls, and an elegant and carefully tended 
hand tossed back some fine old lace to ges- 
ticulate more freely. She had previously 
charmed her hearers by sweeping aside cer- 
tain invasion rumors that were drifting 
about. 

"Germans invade Us!" she cried. "Who'd 
let 'em, I'd like to know. Who'd let 'em?" 

And then she reverted to her grievance 
about the gardener. 

"I told him that after the war he'd be 
glad enough to get anything. Grateful ! 
They'll all be coming back after the war, 
all of 'em, glad enough to get anything. 
Asking for another shilling indeed !" 

Every one who heard her looked shocked. 
But that was the tone of every one of im- 
portance in the dark years that followed 
the Napoleonic wars. That is just one sur- 
vivor of the old tradition. Another is Blight 
the solicitor, who goes about bewailing the 
fact that we writers are "holding out false 
hopes of higher agricultural wages after the 
war." But these are both exceptions. They 
are held to be remarkable people even by 
their own class. The mass of property own- 
ers and influential people in Europe today 
no more believe in the sacred right of prop- 
erty to hold up development and dictate 
terms, than do the more intelligent work- 
ers. The ideas of collective ends and of the 
fiduciary nature of property had been 
soaking thru the European community for 



years before the war. The necessity for 
sudden and even violent cooperations and 
submersions of individuality in a common 
purpose, which this war has produced, is 
rapidly crystallizing out these ideas into 
clear proposals. 

WAR is an evil thing, but people who 
will not learn from reason must have 
an ugly teacher. This war has brought home 
to every one the supremacy of the public 
need over every sort of individual claim. 

One of the most remarkable things in the 
British war press is the amount of space 
given to the discussion of labor develop- 
ments after the war. This is in its com- 
pleteness peculiar to the British situation. 
Nothing on the same scale is perceptible in 
the press of the Latin allies. A great move- 
ment on the part of capitalists and business 
organizers is manifest to assure the worker 
of a change of heart and a will to change 
method. Labor is suspicious, not foolishly 
but wisely suspicious. But labor is consid- 
ering it. 

"National industrial syndication," say 
the business organizers. 

"Gild socialism," say the workers. 

There is also a considerable amount of 
talking and writing about "profit-sharing" 
and about giving the workers a share in 
the business direction. Neither of these 
ideals appeals to the shrewder heads among 
the workers. So far as direction goes their 
disposition is to ask the captain to com- 
mand the ship. So far as profits go, they 
think the captain has no more right than 
the cabin boy to speculative gains ; he 
should do his work for his pay whether it 
is profitable or unprofitable work. There is 
little balm for labor discontent in these 
schemes for making the worker also an in- 
finitesimal profiteer. 

During my journey in Italy and France 
I met several men who were keenly inter- 
ested in business organization. Just before 
I started my friend N, who has been the 
chief partner in the building up of a very 
big and very extensively advertised Ameri- 
can business, came to see me on his way 
back to America. He is as interested in 
his work as a scientific specialist, and as 
ready to talk about it to any intelligent 
r.nd interested hearer. He was particularly 
keen upon the question of continuity in the 
business, when it behooves the older gen- 
eration to let in the younger to responsible 
management and to efface themselves. He 
was a man of five and forty. Incidentally 
he mentioned that he had never taken any- 
thing for his private life out of the great 
business he had built up but a salary, "a 
good salary," and that now he was going to 
grant himself a pension. "I shan't interfere 
any more. I shall come right away and live 
in Europe for a year so as not to be tempt- 
ed to interfere. The boys have got to run 
it some day, and they had better get their 
experience while they're young and capable 
of learning by it. I did." 

I like N's ideas. "Practically," I said, 
"you've been a public official. You've treat- 
ed your business like a public service." 

That was his idea. 

"Would you mind if it was a public 
service?" 

He reflected, and some disagreeable mem- 
ory darkened his face. "Under the politi- 
cians?" he said. 

I took the train of thought N had set 
going abroad with me next day. I had the 
good luck to meet men who were interested 
industrially. Captain Pirelli, my guide in 
Italy, has a name familiar to every motor- 
ist ; his name goes wherever cars go, spelt 
with a big long capital P. Lieutenant de 
Tessin's name will recall one of the most 
interesting experiments in profit-sharing to 
the student of social science. I tried over 



N's problem on both of them. I found in 
both their minds just the same attitude as 
he takes up toward his business. They think 
any businesses that are worthy of respect, 
the sorts of businesses that interest them, 
are public functions. Money-lenders and 
speculators, merchants and gambling gentle- 
folk, may think in terms of profit ; capable 
business directors certainly do nothing of 
the sort. 

I met a British officer in France who is 
also a landowner. I got him to talk about 
his administrative work upon his property. 
He was very keen upon new methods. He 
said he tried to do his duty by his land. 

"How much land?" I asked. 

"Just over nine thousand acres," he said. 

"But you could manage forty or fifty 
thousand with little more trouble." 

"If I had it. In some ways it would be 
easier." 

"What a waste !" I said. "Of course you 
ought not to own those acres, what you 
ought to be is the agricultural controller 
of .iust as big an estate of the public lands 
as you could manage — with a suitable 



He reflected upon that idea. He said he 
did not get much of a salary out of his land 
as it was, and made a regretable allusion 
to Mr. Lloyd George. "When a man tries 
to do his duty by the land," he said . . . 

But here running thru the thoughts of 
the Englishman and the Italian and the 
Frenchman and the American alike one 
finds just the same idea of a kind of offi- 
cialism in ownership. It is an idea that 
pervades our thought and public discussion 
today everywhere, and it is an idea that is 
scarcely traceable at all in the thought of 
the early half of the nineteenth century. 
The idea of service and responsibility in 
property has increased and is increasing, 
the conception of "hold-up," the usurer's 
conception of his right to be bought out 
of the way, fades. And the process has been 
enormously enhanced by the various big 
scale experiments in temporary socialism 
that have been forced upon the belligerent 
powers. Men of the most individualistic 
quality are being educated up to the pos- 
sibilities of concerted collective action. My 
friend and fellow student X, inventor and 
business organizer, who used to make the 
best steam omnibuses in the world and who 
is now making all sorts of things for the 
army, would go pink with suspicious anger 
at the mere words "inspector" or "social- 
ism" three or four years ago. He does not 
do so now. 

A great proportion of this sort of man, 
this energetic directive sort of man in Eng- 
land, is thinking socialism today. They may 
not be saying socialism but they are think- 
ing it. When labor begins to realize what is 
adrift it will be divided between two things, 
between appreciative cooperation, for which 
gild socialism in particular has prepared its 
mind, and traditional suspicion. I will not 
offer to guess here which will prevail. 

THE impression I have of the present 
mental process in the European com- 
munities is that while the official class and 
the rentier class is thinking very poorly 
and inadequately, and with a merely ob- 
structive disposition, while the churches are 
merely wasting their energies in futile self 
advertisement, while the labor mass is sus- 
picious and disposed to make terms for 
itself rather than come into any large 
schemes of reconstruction that will abolish 
I rofit as a primary aim in economic life, 
there is still a very considerable movement 
toward such a reconstruction. Nothing is 
so misleading as a careless analogy. In the 
dead years that followed the Napoleonic 
wars, which are often quoted as a prece- 
dent for expectation now, the spirit of col- 
lective service was near its minimum ; it 



was never so strong and never so manifest- 
ly spreading and increasing as it is today. 

But service to what? 

I have my own very strong preconcep- 
tion here, and since my temperament is 
sanguine they necessarily color my view. 
I believe that this impulse to collective serv- 
ice can satisfy itself only under the formula 
that mankind is one state of which God 
is the undying king, and that the service of 
men's collective needs is the true worship 
of God. But eagerly as I would grasp at any 
evidence that this idea is being developed 
and taken up by the general consciousness, 
I am quite unable to persuade myself that 
cnything of the sort is going on. I do per- 
ceive a search for large forms into which 
the prevalent impulse to devotion can be 
thrown. But the organized religious bodies, 
with their creeds and badges and their in- 
stinct for self preservation at any cost, 
stand between men and their spiritual 
growth in just the same way the fore- 
stallers stand between men and food. Their 
activities at present are an almost intoler- 
able nuisance. One cannot say "God" but 
some tout is instantly seeking to pluck one 
into his particular cave of flummery and 
orthodoxy. What a rational man means by 
God is just God. The more you define and 
argue about God the more He remains the 
same simple thing. Judaism, Christianity, 
Islam, modern Hindu religious thought, all 
agree in declaring that there is one God, 
master and leader of all mankind, in un- 
ending conflict with cruelty, disorder, folly 
and waste. To my mind, it follows imme- 
diately that there can be no king, no gov- 
ernment of any sort, which is not either 
a subordinate or a rebel government, a local 
usurpation, in the kingdom of God. But no 
organized religious body has ever had the 
courage and honesty to insist upon this. 
They all pander to nationalism and to 
powers and princes. They exist so to 
pander. Every organized religion in the 
world exists only to divert and waste the 
religious impulse in man. 

This conviction that the world kingdom 
of God is the only true method of human 
service, is so clear and final in my own 
mind, it seems so inevitably the convic- 
tion to which all right thinking men must 
ultimately come, that I feel almost like a 
looker-on at a game of blindman's buff as 
1 watch the discussion of synthetic politi- 
cal ideas. The blind man thrusts his seek- 
ing hands into the oddest corners, he 
clutches at chairs and curtains, but at last 
he must surely find and hold and feel over 
and guess the name of the plainly visible 
quarry. 

Some of the French and Italian people 
I talked to said they were fighting for 
"Civilization." That is one name for the 
kingdom of God. and I have heard English 
people use it, too. But much of the con- 
temporary thought of England still wan- 
ders with its back to the light. Most of it 
is pawing over jerry-built, secondary 
things. I have before me a little book, the 
joint work of Dr. Grey and Mr. Turner. 
an ex-public schoolmaster, and a manu- 
facturer, called "Eclipse or Empire?" The 
title "World Might or Downfall?" had 
already been secured in another quarter. 
It is a book that has been enormously ad- 
vertised ; it has been almost impossible to 
escape its column long advertisements, it 
is billed upon the boardings, and it is on 
the whole a very able and right spirited 
book. It calls for more and better educa- 
tion, for more scientific methods, for less 
class suspicion and more social explicit- 
ness and understanding, for a franker and 
fairer treatment of labor. But why does it 
call for these things? Does it call for them 
because they are right? Because in accom- 
plishing this, one serves God? 

Not at all. But because otherwise this 



strange sprawling empire of ours will drop 
back into a secondary place in the world. 
These two writers really seem to think 
that the slack workman, the slacker 
wealthy man, the negligent official, the con- 
servative schoolmaster, the greedy usurer, 
the comfortable obstructive, confronted 
with this alternative, terrified at this idea 
of something or other called the Empire 
being "eclipsed," eager for the continu- 
ance of this undefined glory over their fel- 
low creatures called "Empire," will per- 
ceive the error of their ways and become 
energetic, devoted, capable. They think an 
ideal of that sort is going to change the 
daily lives of men. ... I sympathize 
with their purpose, and I deplore their 
conception of motives. If men will not 
give themselves for righteousness, they will 
not give themselves for a geographical 
score. If they will not work well for the 
hatred of bad work, they will not work 
well for the hatred of Germans. This "Em- 
pire" idea has been cadging about the 
British Empire, trying to collect enthusi- 
asm and devotion, since the days of Dis- 
raeli. It is, I submit, too big for the mean 
spirited, and too tawdry and limited for 
the fine and generous. It leaves out the 
French and the Italians and the Belgians 
and all our blood brotherhood of allies. It 
has no compelling force in it. We British 
are not naturally Imperialist ; we are some- 
thing greater — or something less. For two 
years and a half now we have been fight- 
ing against Imperialism in its most ex- 
travagant form. It is a poor incentive to 
right living to propose to parody it. 

The blind man must lunge again. For 
when the right answer is seized it an- 
swers not only the question why men 
should work for their fellow men, but also 
why nations should cease to arm and plan 
and contrive against nation. The social 
problem is only the international problem 
in retail, the international problem is only 
the social one in gross. 

My bias rules me altogether here. I see 
men in social, in economic and in inter- 
national affairs alike, eager to put an end 
to conflict, inexpressibly weary of conflict 
and the waste and pain and death it in- 
volves. But to end conflict one must aban- 
don aggressive or uncordial pretensions. 
Labor is sick at the idea of more strikes 
and struggles after the war, industrialism 
is sick of competition and anxious for serv- 
ice, everybody is sick of war. But how can 
they end any of these clashes except by 
the definition and recognition of a common 
end which will establish a standard for 
the trial of every conceivable issue, to 
which, that is, every other issue can be 
subordinated ; and what common end can 
there be in all the world except this idea 
of the world kingdom of God? What is the 
good of orienting one's devotion to a firm, 
or to class solidarity, or La Repuhlique 
Francaise, or Poland, or Albania, or such 
love and loyalty as people profess for 
King George or King Albert or the Due 
d'Orleans, or any such intermediate object 
of self abandonment? We need a standard 
so universal that the plate layer may say to 
the barrister or the duchess, or the Red 
Indian to the Limehouse sailor, or the 
Anzac soldier to the Sinn Feiner or the 
Chinaman, "What are we two doing for 
it?" And to fill the place of that "it," no 
other idea is great enough or commanding 
enough, but only the world kingdom of 
God. 

However long he may have to hunt, 
the blind man seeking service and an end 
to bickerings will come to that at last, be- 
cause of all the thousand other things he 
may clutch at. nothing else can satisfy his 
manifest need. 

London, England 



THE LAST GREAT WAR 

BY WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT 



AS I write, Germany is reported to have declared war 
against Russia and France, and the participation of 
England on the one side and of Italy on the other 
seems imminent. Nothing like it has occurred since the 
great Napoleonic wars, and with modern armaments and 
larger populations nothing has occurred like it since the 
world began. 

It is a cataclysm. It is a retrograde step in Christian 
civilization. It will be difficult to keep the various countries 
of the Balkans out of the war, and Greece and Turkey 
may take part in it. All Europe is to be a battleground. 
It is reported that the neutrality of Holland has already 
been ignored and Belgium offers such opportunities in the 
campaigns certain to follow that her territory, too, will be 
the scene of struggle. 

Private property and commercial shipping under an 
enemy's flag are subject to capture and appropriation by 
prize proceedings and with the formidable navies of Eng- 
land, France, Germany, Russia and Italy active the great 
carrying trade of the world will be in large part suspended 
or destroyed or will be burdened with such heavy insurance 
as greatly to curtail it. 

The commerce of the world makes much for the pros- 
perity of the countries with whom it is conducted and its 
interruption means great inconvenience and economic suf- 
fering among all people whether at peace or war. The 
capital which the European people have invested by the 
billions in the United States, Canada, Australia, South 
Africa and in the Orient must perforce be withdrawn to 
fill the war chests of the nations engaged in a death grap- 
ple, and the enterprises which that capital made possible 
are likely to be greatly crippled while the hope of any 
further expansion must be definitely given up. 

This general European war will give a feverish activity 
in a number of branches of our industry, but on the whole 
we shall suffer with the rest of the world, except that we 
shall not be destroying or blowing up our existing wealth 
or sacrificing the lives of our best young men and youth. 

It is hard to prophesy the scope of a war like this, be- 
cause history offers no precedent. It is impossible to foresee 
the limits of a war of any proportions when confined only 
to two countries. In our own small Spanish war we began 
it to free Cuba and when the war closed we found ourselves 
ten thousand miles away with the Philippines on our hands. 

The immense waste of life and treasure in a modern war 
makes the loss to the conqueror only less, if indeed it be 
less, than the loss to the conquered. 

With a high patriotic spirit, people enter upon war with 
confidence and with the thought of martial glory and suc- 
cess. The sacrifices they have to make, the suffering they 
have to undergo are generally such that if victory does not 
rest upon their banners they seek a scapegoat for that 
which they themselves have brought on in the head of the 
state, and the king or emperor who begins a war or allows 
one to begin puts at stake not only the prestige of his 
nation, but also the stability and integrity of his dynasty. 

In such a war as this, therefore, with the universal tend- 
ency to popular control in every country, the strain and 
defeat in war may lead to a state of political flux in those 
countries which shall suffer defeat, with all the attendant 
difficulties and disorder that a change of government 
involves. 

While we can be sure that such a war as this, taking 
it by and large, will be a burden upon the United States 



and is a great misfortune, looked at solely from the stand- 
point of the United States, we have every reason to be 
happy that we are able to preserve strict neutrality in 
respect to it. Within our hospitable boundaries we have 
living prosperous and contented emigrants in large numbers 
from all the countries who are to take part in the war and 
the sympathies of these people will of course be with their 
respective native lands. Were there no other reason this 
circumstance would tend to keep us free from any entan- 
glement. 

We may sincerely hope that Japan will not be involved. 
She will not be unless the war is carried on to the far 
Orient, to India or to China. Germany has but a small 
settlement in the Orient, while France and Russia and 
England would be allies in this war and it would seem 
quite unlikely that there would arise any obligation under 
the English-Japanese alliance for Japan to assist England. 
Of the great powers of the world, therefore, the only 
ones left out are likely to be the United States and Japan, 
and perhaps only the United States, by reason of the 
alliance between Japan and England. Japan, if she keeps 
out of the war. will occupy the same advantageous position, 
which will be ours, of complete neutrality, of an actually 
judicial attitude, and therefore, of having an opportunity 
at some time, we may hope, to mediate between the powers 
and to help to mitigate this disaster to mankind. 

At the time when so many friends of peace have 
thought that we were making real progress toward the 
abolition of war this sudden outbreak of the greatest war 
in history is most discouraging. The future looks dark 
indeed, but we should not despair. 

"God moves in a mysterious way His wonders to per- 
form." Now that the war is a settled fact, we must hope 
that some good may come from this dreadful scourge. The 
armaments of Europe had been growing heavier and heav- 
ier, bankruptcy has stared many of the nations in the 
face, conflict between races had begun to develop. 

War seemed likely at some stage and the question which 
each country had to answer for itself was at what time 
the situation would be most favorable for its success. The 
immediate participants have decided that the time has 
come and thru their international alliances all Europe is 
involved. 

There has been no real test of the heavy armament on 
land or water as developed by modern invention and this 
contest is to show what has been well spent for war pur- 
poses and what has been wasted. It is by no means certain 
that waste will not exceed in cost that which was spent 
to effective purpose. 

One thing I think we can reasonably count on is that 
with the prostration of industry, with the blows to pros- 
perity, with the state of flux that is likely to follow this 
titanic struggle, there will be every opportunity for com- 
mon sense to resume its sway ; and after the horrible 
expenditure of the blood of the best and the savings of 
the rich and the poor, the opportunity and the motive for 
a reduction of armament and the taking away of a temp- 
tation to further war will be greatly enhanced. 

It is an awful remedy, but in the end it may be worth 
what it costs, if it makes this the last great war. The 
influence of America can be thrown most effectively for 
peace when peace is possible and for minimum armaments 
when disaster and exhaustion shall make the contending 
peoples and their rulers see things as they are. 



THE LEAGUE TO ENFORCE PEACE 



BY HAMILTON HOLT 



IN his famous essay, Perpetual Peace, 
published in 1795, Emmanuel Kant, 
perhaps the greatest intellect the 
world has ever produced, declared that we 
never can have universal peace until the 
world is politically organized and it will 
never be possible to organize the world po- 
litically until the people, not the kings, 
rule. And he added that the peoples of the 
earth must cultivate and attain the spirit 
of hospitality and good will toward all 
races and nations. 

If this be the true philosophy of peace, 
then when the Great War is over, and the 
stricken sobered people set about to rear 
a new civilization on the ashes of the old, 
they cannot hope to abolish war unless 
they are prepared to extend democracy 
everywhere, to banish hatred from their 
hearts, and to organize the international 
realm on a basis of law rather than force. 

The questions of the extension of democ- 
racy and the cultivation of benevolence are 
domestic ones. They can hardly be brought 
about by joint action of the nations. 
World organization and disarmament, how- 
ever, can be provided for in the terms of 
peace or by international agreement there- 
after. As the United States seems destined 
to play an important part in the great re- 
construction at the end of the war, this is 
perhaps the most important question now 
before American statesmanship. 

LAW OK WAR 

The only two powers that ever have gov- 
erned or ever can govern human beings 
are reason and force — law and war. If we 
do not have the one we must have the 
other. 

The peace movement is the process of 
substituting law for war. Peace follows 
justice, justice follows law, law follows 
political organization. The world has al- 
ready achieved peace, through justice, law 
and political organization in hamlets, 
towns, cities, states and even in the forty- 
six sovereign civilized nations of the world. 
But in that international realm over and 
above each nation, in which each nation 
is equally sovereign, the only final way 
for a nation to secure its rights is by the 
use of force. Force, therefore — or war as 
it is called when exerted by a nation 
against another nation — is at present the 
only final method of settling international 
differences. In other words, the nations are 
in that state of civilization today where, 
without a qualm, they claim the right to 
settle their disputes in a manner which 
they would actually put their own subjects 
to death for imitating. The peace problem, 
then, is nothing but the problem of find- 
ing ways and means of doing between the 
nations what has already been done within 
the nations. International law follows pri- 
vate law. The "United Nations" follow the 
United States. 

At present international law has reached 
the same state of development that private 
law reached in the tenth century. Profes- 
sor T. J. Lawrence (in his essay The Evo- 
lution of Peace) distinguishes four stages 
in the evolution of private law : 

1. Kinship is the sole bond ; revenge 



and retaliation are unchecked, there being 
no authority whatever. 

2. Organization is found an advantage 
and tribes under a chief subdue undisci- 
plined hordes. The right of private ven- 
geance within the tribe is regulated but not 
forbidden. 

?>. Courts of justice exist side by side 
with a limited right of vengeance. 

4. Private war is abolished, all disputes 
being settled by the courts. 

It is evident that in international rela- 
tions we are entering into the third stage, 
because the nations have already created 
an international tribunal which exists side 
by side with the right of self-redress or 
war. 

I.IKE THE AMERICAN CONFEDERATION 

Furthermore, a careful study of the 
formation of the thirteen American 
colonies from separate states into our 
present compact Union discloses the 
fact that the nations today are in 
the same stage of development that the 
American colonies were about the time of 
their first confederation. As the United 
States came into existence by the estab- 
lishment of the Articles of Confederation 
and the Continental Congress, so the 
"United Nations" came into existence by 
the establishment of The Hague Court and 
the recurring Hague Conferences ; The 
Hague Court being the promise of the Su- 
preme Court of the world and The Hague 
Conferences being the prophecy of the par- 
liament of man. We may look with confi- 
dence, therefore, to a future in which the 
world will have an established court with 
jurisdiction over all questions, self-govern- 
ing conferences with power to legislate on 
all affairs of common concern, and an ex- 
ecutive power of some form to carry on 
the decrees of both. To deny this is to ig- 
nore all the analogies of private law and 
the whole trend of the world's political 
history since the Declaration of Independ- 
ence. As Secretary of State Knox said not 
long ago : 

"We have reached a point when it is 
evident that the future holds in store a 
time when war shall cease, when the na- 
tions of the world shall realize a federa- 
tion as real and vital as that now subsist- 
ing between the component parts of a 
single state." 

It would be difficult to recall a more 
far-visioned statement than this emanat- 
ing from the chancellery of a great state. 
It means nothing less than that the age- 
long dreams of the poets, the prophets and 
the philosophers have at last entered the 
realms of practical statesmanship. 

But now the Great War has come upon 
us. "When the storm is spent and the deso- 
lation is complete ; when the flower of the 
manhood of Europe has past into eternal 
night ; when famine and pestilence have 
taken their tithe of childhood and age." 
will then the exhausted and beggared that 
live on be able to undertake the task of 
establishing that World Government which 
the historian Freeman has called "the most 
finished and the most artificial production 
of political ingenuity"? 



THE HAGUE OR THE LEAGUE OF PEACE 

If it can be done at all it can only be 
done in one of two ways. 

First. By building on the foundations 
already laid at The Hague, the Federation 
of the World. 

Second. By establishing a great Con- 
federation or League of Peace, composed 
of those few nations who thru political 
evolution or the suffering of war have at 
last seen the light and are ready here and 
now to disarm. 

It is obvious that the time is scarcely 
lipe for voluntary and universal disarma- 
ment by joint agreement. There are too 
many medieval-minded nations still in ex- 
istence. The Federation of the World must 
still be a dream for many years to come. 

The immediate establishment of a League 
of Peace, however, would in fact consti- 
tute a first step toward world federation 
and does not offer insuperable difficulties. 
The idea of a League of Peace is not novel. 
All federal governments and confederations 
of governments, both ancient and modern, 
are essentially leagues of peace, even tho 
they may have functions to perform which 
often lead directly to war. 

The ancient Achaian League of Greece, 
the Confederation of Swiss Cantons, the 
United Provinces of The Netherlands, the 
United States of America, and the Com- 
monwealth of Australia are the most near- 
ly perfect systems of federated govern- 
ments known to history. Less significant, 
but none the less interesting to students 
of government, are the Latin League of 
thirty cities, the Hanseatie League, the 
Holy Alliance, and in modern times, the 
German Confederation. Even the recent 
Concert of Europe was a more or less in- 
choate League of Peace. The ancient 
leagues, as well as the modern confedera- 
tions, have generally been unions of 
offense and defense. They stood ready, if 
they did not actually propose, to use their 
common forces to compel outside states to 
obey their will. Thus they were as fre- 
quently leagues of oppression as leagues 
of peace. 

THE PROBLEM OF FORCE 

The problem of the League of Peace is 
therefore the problem of the use of force. 
Force internationally exprest is measured 
in armaments. The chief discussion which 
has been waged for the past decade be- 
tween the pacifists and militarists has been 
over the question of armaments. The mili- 
tarists claim that armaments insure na- 
tional safety. The pacifists declare they 
inevitably lead to war. Both disputants in- 
sist that the present war furnishes irre- 
futable proof of their contentions. 

As is usual in cases of this kind the 
shield has two sides. The confusion has 
arisen from a failure to recognize the three- 
fold function of force : 

1. Force used for the maintenance of 
order — police force. 

2. Force used for attack — aggression. 

3. Force used to neutralize aggression — 
defense. 

Police force is almost wholly good. 



Offense is almost wholly bad. 

Defense is a necessary evil, and exists 
simply to neutralize force employed for 
aggression. 

The problem of the peace movement is 
how to abolish the use of force for aggres- 
sion, and yet to maintain it for police pur- 
poses. Force for defense will of course 
automatically cease when force for aggres- 
sion is abolished. 

The chief problem then of a League of 
Peace is this : Shall the members of the 
League "not only keep the peace them- 
selves, but prevent by force if necessary 
its being broken by others," as ex-Presi- 
dent Roosevelt suggested in his Nobel 
Peace Address delivered at Christiania, 
May 5, 1910? Or shall its force be exer- 
cized only within its membership and thus 
be on the side of law and order and never 
on the side of arbitrary will or tyranny? 
Or shall it never be used at all? Which- 
ever one of these conceptions finally pre- 
vails the Great War has conclusively dem- 
onstrated that as long as War Lords exist 
defensive force must be maintained. Hence 
the League must be prepared to use force 
against any nations which will not for- 
swear force. Nevertheless a formula must 
be devised for disarmament. For unless 
it is a law of nature that war is to con- 
sume all the fruits of progress, disarma- 
ment some how and some way must take 
place. How then can the maintenance of 
a force for defense and police power be 
reconciled with the theory of disarmament? 

THE CONSTITUTION OP THE LEAGUE 

In this way : Let the League of Peace 
be formed on the following five principles : 

First. The nations of the League shall 
mutually agree to respect and guarantee 
the territory and sovereignty of each 
other. 

Second. All questions that cannot be 
settled by diplomacy shall be arbitrated. 

Third. The nations of the League shall 
provide a periodical assembly to make all 
rules to become law unless vetoed by a 
nation within a stated period. 

Fourth. The nations shall disarm to the 
point where the combined forces of the 
League shall be a certain per cent higher 
than those of the most heavily armed na- 
tion or alliance outside of the League. De- 
tailed rules for this pro rata disarmament 
shall be formulated by the Assembly. 

Fifth. Any member of the League shall 
have the right to withdraw on due notice, 
or may be expelled by the unanimous vote 
of the others. 

The advantages that a nation would gain 
in becoming a member of such a league 
are manifest. The risk of war would be 
eliminated within the League. Obviously 
the only things that are vital to a nation 
are its land and its independence. Since 
each nation in the League will have 
pledged itself to respect and guarantee the 
territory and the sovereignty of every 
other, a refusal to do so will logically lead 
to compulsion by the other members of the 
League or expulsion from the League. Thus 
every vital question will be automatically 
reserved from both war and arbitration 
while good faith lasts. All other questions 
are of secondary importance and can read- 
ily be arbitrated. 

By the establishment of a periodical as- 
sembly a method would be devised where- 
by the members of the League could de- 
velop their common intercourse and in- 
terests as far and as fast as they could 



unanimously agree upon ways and means. 
As any law could be vetoed by a single na- 
tion, no nation could have any fear that 
it would be coerced against its will by a 
majority vote of the other nations. By such 
an assembly the League might in time agree 
to reduce tariffs and postal rates and in a 
thousand other ways promote commerce 
and comity among its members. 

As a final safeguard against coercion by 
the other members of the League, each 
member will have the right of secession on 
due notice. This would prevent civil war 
within the League. The right of expulsion 
by the majority will prevent one nation 
by its veto power indefinitely blocking all 
progress of the League. 

THE SCRAP OF PAPER 

But it will be said that all these agree- 
ments will have no binding effect in a 
crisis. A covenant is a mere "scrap of 
paper" whose provisions will be violated 
by the first nation which fancies it is its 
interest to do so. In order to show that 
their faith is backed up by deeds, however, 
the nations on entering the League agree 
to disarm to a little above the danger 
point. This is the real proof of their con- 
version to the peace idea. 

It will be noticed that no attempt is 
made to define how the force of the League 
shall be exerted. This is left for the de- 
cision of the Assembly of the League. The 
suggestion that "the nation shall disarm 
to the point where the combined forces of 
the League shall be a certain per cent 
higher than those of the most heavily 
armed nation or alliance outside the 
League," implies that the forces of the 
League shall be used for the neutraliza- 
tion of the aggressive force of nations 
outside the League — that is, for defense. 
But shall not the force of the League be 
also used as police power, that is, aggres- 
sively to maintain international law and 
order? A League with power to exert its 
will without any constitutional limitations 
might easily become a League of Oppres- 
sion. It would have the right to be judge 
and sheriff in its own cause, a violation of 
the first principles of justice. 

It would not be over-sanguine to expect 
that the Assembly of the League would 
vote that the armaments of the League 
should be brought into regular and con- 
certed action for compelling obedience to 
the judicial decisions of the Court of the 
League both among members of the League 
and those outside who have agreed to this 
method of settling their disputes. It may 
even be anticipated that the force of the 
League will be used to assist one of the 
members of the League in a controversy 
with a nation outside the League that has 
not previously agreed to resort to arbitra- 
tion and that refuses so to agree upon re- 
quest. Such an agreement would tend to en- 
throne law and suppress arbitrary action. 
Entering a League with such a policy would 
not subject the United States to the neces- 
sity of waging war thru the erroneous ac- 
tion of its allies in an "entangling alliance," 
but only to extend the reign of law. This is 
the fundamental purpose of our Govern- 
ment and perhaps the United States is now 
ready to go thus far. 

Thus the nations which join the League 
will enjoy all the economic and political 
advantages which come from mutual co- 
operation and the extension of interna- 
tional friendship and at the same time will 
be protected by an adequate force against 



the aggressive force of the greatest nation 
or alliance outside the League. The League 
therefore reconciles the demand of the 
pacifists for the limitation of armaments 
and eventual disarmament and the demand 
of the militarists for the protection that 
armament affords. Above all the establish- 
ment of such a league will give the liberal 
parties in the nations outside the League 
an issue on which they can attack their 
governments so as sooner or later to force 
them to apply to the League for member- 
ship. As each one enters there will be an- 
other pro rata reduction of the military 
forces of the League down to the arma- 
ment of the next most powerful nation or 
alliance outside it ; until finally the whole 
world is federated in a brotherhood of uni- 
versal peace and armies and navies are re- 
duced to an international police force. 

This is the plan for a League of Peace. 
Is the hour about to strike when it can be 
realized? If only the United States, France 
and England would lead in its formation, 
Belgium, Holland, Switzerland, Denmark, 
Norway, Sweden, Argentina, Brazil, Chile 
and others might perhaps join. Even if Rus- 
sia and Germany and Japan and Italy 
stayed out, the League would still be pow- 
erful and large enough to begin with every 
auspicious hope of success. 

THE DESTINY OF THE UNITED STATES 

It would seem to be the manifest destiny 
of the United States to lead in the estab- 
lishment of such a league. The United 
States is the world in miniature. The United 
States is the greatest league of peace known 
to history. The United States is a demon- 
stration to the world that all the races 
and peoples of the earth can live in peace 
under one form of government, and its 
chief value to civilization is a demonstra- 
tion of what this form of government is. 

Prior to the formation "of a more per- 
fect union" our original thirteen states 
were united in a confederacy strikingly 
similar to that now proposed on an inter- 
national scale. They were obliged by the 
articles of this confederacy to respect each 
other's territory and sovereignty, to arbi- 
trate all questions among themselves, to as- 
sist each other against any foreign foe, not 
to engage in war unless called upon by the 
confederation to do so or actually invaded 
by a foreign foe, and not to maintain armed 
forces in excess of the strength fixed for 
each state by all the states in Congress 
assembled. 

It is notable that security against ag- 
gression from states inside or outside the 
American Union accompanied the agree- 
ment to limit armaments. Thus danger of 
war and size of armaments were decreased 
contemporaneously. 

It is also notable that from the birth of 
the Republic to this hour every President 
of the United States has advocated peace 
thru justice. From the first great Virginian 
to the last great Virginian, all have ab- 
horred what Thomas Jefferson called "the 
greatest scourge of mankind." 

When the Great War is over and the 
United States is called upon to lead the na- 
tions in reconstructing a new order of civil- 
ization, why might not Woodrow Wilson 
do on a world scale something similar to 
what George Washington did on a con- 
tinental scale? 

Stranger things than this have happened 
in history. Let us add to the Declaration 
of Independence a Declaration of Interde- 
pendence. 












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